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Roy J. Tellason

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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #345 on: June 19, 2005, 08:46:23 pm »


My brain hurts...

Dude,  I don't know how you DO that!  :-)
Heh! Didn't mean to hurt your head, Roy! :)

But as I noted at the bottom of that previous post,  the Northwoods Document is black and white evidence of a conspiracy which was operating inside the U.S. Federal government. For Thunder's sake, I'll note that I did not say the conspiracy was "the Government" - instead, I said it was a conspiracy *within* the government.

Within ir,  or in a position from outside of it where influence can be exerted matters little,  I think.  The "tool" was there,  and left laying around,  no surprise that someone sooner or later would pick it up and use it...

I used to see various agencies referred to as such-and-such "authority" and wondered,  who gave them that authority?  Or did they just take it?  It sure wasn't me!  I'm not even sure from what I can see which authority it is they claim to have,  or over what specifically,  because they pick names that are deliberately vague.

Governments do not have minds, and therefore they cannot have "will", which means they cannot have "intent". "Will" and "intent" have to do with mentality, are functioning properties of the mind, and government simply cannot act from either "will" or "intent", for any and all governments are merely the projected creations of mentality, which cannot share the properties of mentality. They are mindless fictional entities relying upon the belief and acceptance of people who wish to be governed.

Or on those folks outnumbering those of us who don't,  thereby making it easier for TPTB and TPTWB to do their thing and get away with it.

No government anywhere, ever, could or can possibly "want" anything, "intend" anything, or think in any way. The closest a government can come to autonomy is through the  sheer momentum of its offices, assets, and delegated powers.

There sure is a lot of that,  though!  And if I stop and think about it no doubt that momentum is deliberate.

That momentum can sometimes appear as if the government actually does have intent, but of course we know that a government cannot have intent. People have intent, and some people like to play out their intentions through the use (and sometimes the illegal or improper use) of the seats of governmental power. That is what was going on in the Pentagon's highest levels during the creation of the Northwoods Document.

Yup,  creating that appearance whether it's justified or not.

The Northwoods Document shows the world that certain namable people *inside* government most certainly do have "wills" and "intentions", and when two or more people conspire in secrecy to commit a crime, those people can rightly be said to be "conspirators". In this case, it was the Joint Chiefs of Staff including L.L. Lemnitzer himself. These men felt they were doing their criminal deed on behalf of "national security". In the name of national security they literally planned to blow up the base at Guantanamo, sink a U.S. ship, shoot down a U.S. aircraft, and blow up things in Miami - all of which could be blamed in the media on Cuba. I'll never understand what "threat" to the USA the tiny island of Cuba represents. But our military planners have, since before 1898 even, always had a fixation on Cuba.

The thing that stands out in my mind from that nonsense back in 1961 is that it's so close!  I guess them guys figured that it oughta be just another southern state,  or something.

Whatever the reason, these professional criminals in uniform, supposedly representing the American people via their "Department of Defense", outright planned terrorist events and planned to mislead the public by pointing at Cuba as the executor of those terror events, for the purpose of gaining the public's support for going to war with Cuba. Now, dammit, that ain't right. Don't you agree?

Of course it ain't right.  Those guys make all sorts of screwy plans.  I suppose it comes from them having to try and think of all sorts of stuff "just in case",  but the things I've heard here and there about some of those plans makes me think that they're both somewhat carried away with the momentum of that institution and their own importance and also somewhat disconnected from reality,  not to mention the morality of the situation.  OTOH that lady who's got a bunch of stuff over at LRC has me fairly well convinced that they're not all bad ones in there.  As have the few folks I"ve made acquaintance with who were in the service at whatever level.

But worse, since that was going on in 1962, who can possibly guess how much more deadly this sort of idiotic game has grown in the darkness and shadows and deliberate ambiguities of "national security secrecy" since then?

No doubt it's gotten *way* worse,  which is one of the things that puts me off about the whole thing those guys are into in that place.  No accountability,  either.

Why did Eisenhower caution America against the "military-industrial complex", eh?

Maybe he saw something coming?  Seems to me what we've got is a bunch of bigcorps mixed in with a bunch of big-government types and the folks in either of those seem to move back and forth pretty freely from one to the other. See our current VP as a prime example of such.  And laws get past,  and all sorts of nonsense goes on,  that all works to the benefit of that crowd,  and at the expense of the rest of us.

Remembering all the while that the Northwoods Document is irrefutable evidence of criminal activity inside seats of governmental power, let us simply state that what the document represents is a small collective of men with a singular purpose to deceive the American public, and let us note at this time that the Northwoods Document is an undebatable "PRECEDENT".  It did not necessarily set the first precedent under the National Security Act of 1947, for there were others before it, such as the 1953 coup in Iran and the 1954 taking down of the government in Guatemala. But it is one of several "precedents" which has been discovered and documented.

I'm sure that for every one of those situations that we can know about there are ten more that we'll never know anything about,  because they've managed to cover their tracks a little better.

My point here is the establishing of "precedent" for elements within government to deliberately deceive the American public about terrorist events which people inside government were planning - for the President's approval! Precedent. Precedent. Precedent.

I'm not at all surprised to find out that things go on behind closed doors that they wouldn't want seeing the light of day...

I'm gonna leave off responding to points,  and go read the rest of the stuff posted...
Member of the toughest, meanest, deadliest, most unrelenting -- and ablest -- form of life in this section of space,  a critter that can be killed but can't be tamed.  --Robert A. Heinlein, "The Puppet Masters"
Information is more dangerous than cannon to a society ruled by lies. --James M Dakin


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« Reply #346 on: June 26, 2005, 03:38:44 pm »

I have been having a ongoing PM to and fro on this topic (CIA Drug smuggling), so I'll drop in a link here in case anyone wishes to chase this rabbit further The following topics are discussed.

    * The CIA's Drug-Trafficking Activities
    * The CIA, Cocaine Smuggling at Mena and the Train Deaths
    * Mind Control and the CIA's Use of LSD
    * Ralph McGehee and CIABASE
    * More about the CIA
    * Links to Further Documents Concerning the CIA

Here is the link,


Then there is a book titled "The Underground Empire". I read it about 15 yrs ago and it is chock full of knowledge. It was written in 1986..
Mills, James. The Underground Empire: Where Crime and Governments Embrace. Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1986. 1165 pages.

James Mills spent five years on four continents hobnobbing with DEA agents to come up with this massive book. Even without footnotes or an index, and more flashy dialogue than historical perspective, it's quite impressive. The overworked DEA agents are Mills' heroes, working long hours with minimal resources in their war against the "Underground Empire" of internationally- organized heroin and cocaine producers and distributors. DEA has a low opinion of the CIA -- which either mucks up the DEA's priorities through incompetent meddling, or perhaps has its own agenda. So the war continues against the "sovereign, proud, expansionist" Empire, which "has become today as ruthlessly acquisitive and exploitative as any nineteenth-century imperial kingdom, as far-reaching as the British Empire, as determinedly cohesive as the states of the American republic. Aggressive and violent by nature, the

Underground Empire maintains its own armies, diplomats, intelligence services, banks, merchant fleets, and airlines. It seeks to extend its dominance by any means, from clandestine subversion to open warfare."

Okay, so we invest the muscle needed to stop all this, and no doubt the world's trains will soon run on time also. But why not legalize drugs, and tax them at a rate that reflects their social costs? No comment on this, because Mills is content with his story of good guys vs. bad guys.
ISBN 0-385-17535-3

This book was recently listed at
Highly reccomended reading if that's your taste.
People who think they know everything, are particularly annoying to those of us that do.

Roy J. Tellason

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« Reply #347 on: June 26, 2005, 11:05:02 pm »

Underground Empire maintains its own armies, diplomats, intelligence services, banks, merchant fleets, and airlines. It seeks to extend its dominance by any means, from clandestine subversion to open warfare."
I have no doubt that a fair amount of this sort of stuff is going on all the time these days.  That as much stuff happens behind close doors (the old "smoke-filled rooms" cliche had a good reason to exist) as we know and hear about.

I wonder how much of it is financed by the above-board stuff,  and how things would go if much of what currently exists as government were to fade away,  become less than it is in all ways,  and effectively withdraw that support?  Or would they come out into the open,  somewhat,  and reveal themselves for the gangs of criminals that they are?
Member of the toughest, meanest, deadliest, most unrelenting -- and ablest -- form of life in this section of space,  a critter that can be killed but can't be tamed.  --Robert A. Heinlein, "The Puppet Masters"
Information is more dangerous than cannon to a society ruled by lies. --James M Dakin

Elias Alias

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« Reply #348 on: June 27, 2005, 12:10:31 am »

I wonder how much of it is financed by the above-board stuff,  and how things would go if much of what currently exists as government were to fade away,  become less than it is in all ways,  and effectively withdraw that support?  Or would they come out into the open,  somewhat,  and reveal themselves for the gangs of criminals that they are?
I suspect that "they" have a black budget which was created by addendums to the National Security Act of 1947 - the same act which created the CIA. We do know that Catherine Austin Fitts can document fifty-nine billion dollars has been stolen from HUD by CIA. And we learned from Victor Marchetti, back in 1974, that CIA receives a huge clandestine funding through the US Air Force, which gets the money from the Pentagon's annual Congressionally-appropriated money-pool.

But what is worse, we also know that in 1973 the CIA came to the Senate Intelligence Oversight Committee and confessed that three of their "Proprietaries" had grown so large and complex that the CIA felt it could no longer control them, and it told the Committee that there were valid concerns that at least two of these proprietaries may be large enough to threaten the U.S. Federal government. That was over thirty years ago, and I've no idea how bad that part of the problem is today.

Something of interest, and relative to your query, would have to do with Ted Shackley, Felix Rodriguez, and John Poindexter. Were we to discover what those treasonous bastards have done, and are up to today, methinks you'd have your answer. (Don't know if Shackley is still alive or not, but I'm pretty sure that Rodriguez (code named "Max Gomez") and John Poindexter are still going strong. These are some of H.W. Bush's "go-to" guys, with histories going back to the Bay of Pigs, the Phoenix Program in SE Asia and Viet Nam, the Jupiter Island stuff, and Iran-Contra. Poindexter has surfaced at DARPA, (about two or three years ago), and until he embarrassed them, was in charge of the Total Information Awareness program through DARPA.

Some keys to understanding how this super-secret government works inside our overt government, we learn much by reading into the Nugan Hand banking scandal and the BCCI banking scandal. An excerpt on Nugan Hand is here:

The BCCI stuff is all right here:

At that page, you'll notice that Kissinger and Clark Clifford were involved. Also revealed is the sick fact that George Walker Bush's first business partners included two of the chief culprits in BCCI - a proven CIA drug-running, illegal-arms-sales running, money-laundering international bank which Clark Clifford brought illegally and under fraud into the United States. Clark Clifford, btw, worked with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles to write Truman's "National Security Act of 1947". Small world....

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Elias Alias

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« Reply #349 on: June 27, 2005, 12:33:57 am »

I have been having a ongoing PM to and fro on this topic (CIA Drug smuggling), so I'll drop in a link here in case anyone wishes to chase this rabbit further The following topics are discussed.

    * The CIA's Drug-Trafficking Activities
    * The CIA, Cocaine Smuggling at Mena and the Train Deaths
    * Mind Control and the CIA's Use of LSD
    * Ralph McGehee and CIABASE
    * More about the CIA
    * Links to Further Documents Concerning the CIA

Here is the link,

Thanks for bringing that gold-mine of CIA sins to our attention. I have enjoyed reading some articles at the link you provided, and found some stuff I had not found before.

Rhinehard Gehlen was one of the Nazi war criminals which CIA hid inside of CIA to keep him from going down at the Nuremberg War Crimes trials.  Gehlen was Hitler's man for "Intelligence" in all of eastern Europe, including Russia/Soviet Union. Along with him, CIA also brought a number of Hitler's psychological / mind-control scientists, and put them to work secretly inside the CIA as well. At some point in this thread, I would like to take an indepth look at all the hell and havoc such men caused in U.S. domestic and foreign policy. But the CIA's  MKULTRA mind-control program, investigated by Congress, is a hell-hole of insanity in and of itself. Under the umbrella of MKULTRA is a cute little game called Project Monarch, which preys on American citizens and does experiments on mind-slavery and mind-control. It is all so damned insane that it makes anyone sound like a kook to even bring it up, yet CIA is doing it and our Congress has investigated it and come up with published hearing-transcripts of Senate investigations.

CIA has two basic premises: 1) "the ends justify the means"; and 2) "perception is everything".

CIA thinks that by controlling the media through the CFR (with whom CIA has secret meetings) and by harvesting their myriad secretly-funded University and College think tank studies, it is possible to generally shape the perception of the American masses. And they do just that. Google, sometime when you ain't doing anything better, this:

"Operation Mockingbird".

(Am now adding "Underground Empire" to my list of books to get. Thanks for that one! :)

"Heirs to self-knowledge shed gently their fears..."


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« Reply #350 on: June 27, 2005, 12:38:19 am »

Some things like drug smuggling are indeed true.  I just don't trust the government in anything "it" does.  Where does this get us?  Perhaps exposing some things will help put pressure on those who would carry out another horrible plan.  Then again, all it takes is a little prepping of the sheep and BAM, you've got an endless supply of evil doings.  I stick to watching some videos, thinking about things, and ultimately doing what I can to fight and live while I'm here.  We're all going to die.  Let's leave something for our kids to think about. BTW, I wonder whether to have the kids, am I playing into their hands.  Northwoods would tell me there is always a plan ready to implement in case total tyranny is iminent.  Wow, following this thread throughout the months, I'm back where I started- still simply not trusting what our government or any other has to offer.

Elias Alias

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« Reply #351 on: June 28, 2005, 01:05:27 am »

Well, Roy, I see it like this -

There are lots of very good people serving honorably in all levels of the US Military establishment. But there are also some truly sick individuals in the mix as well. Consider Robert McNamara, for example. What a traitor that idiot was!

The deal, in regards to the Northwoods Document, is that the paper was researched and drawn up in response to a higher authority's "request", and that "higher authority" would have been, of course, the White House. We know that Eisenhower had already begun the CIA's secret plans to invade Cuba, and that Allen Dulles, one of the idiots who created the CIA, was head of CIA (DCI) under Eisenhower, and that he retained his post as Ike left office and Kennedy moved into the White House. We also know that Dulles briefed Kennedy on the Bay of Pigs plan when Kennedy came to office, and that Kennedy gave the "Finding" which permitted CIA to carry on with the plans.  It was after all that preparation was already in place that the "Cuba Project"'s "higher authority" requested the Pentagon (Joint Chiefs of Staff) to come up with the necessary "pretext" which could get the American public to support a military invasion of Cuba.

So in one way of looking at it, the Joint Chiefs, led by Admiral Lemnitzer, may be excused for following orders - BUT - on moral grounds, every one of the goddam bastards should have been shot for treason, for following illegal orders. In my view of what America means and stands for, there is simply NO justification for planning terrorist events which will be sponsored by our own damned government for the purpose of deceiving the American public, plain and simple. The sons of bitches took an oath to protect the Constitution against enemies from without and from within when they accepted their commissions. Anything so dastardly as to cook up terror events on U.S. soil, including "wounding" and;/or murdering ANYONE, including Americans and American servicemen,  has to be seen in the light of history as pure-de-ol' treason, and a sick violation of their oaths of service, itself a criminal offense. In other words, we just cannot plan to commit acts of terror and blame those acts on some foreign government just so we can drag the public into a condition of acceptance for whatever desired little war the PTB think they need next. God damn! That is about as wicked as anything Hitler could have come up with! But oh, I forget - Dulles was one of Hitler's best lawyers during the 1930s' buildup of the Third Reich. Hmmm, do we smell a rat in the woodpile yet?

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Elias Alias

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« Reply #352 on: June 28, 2005, 01:09:27 am »

Well, let's look at another of Dr. Cuddy's amazing articles.


From here on June 28, 2005


By Dennis L. Cuddy, Ph.D.
March 16, 2004

There is… little doubt that the American power elite has… planned and plotted….. The power elite is not altogether 'surfaced.' …With the wide secrecy covering their operations and decisions, the power elite can mark their intentions, operations and further consolidation…. New men come into it [the power elite] and assume its existence without question.
--from The Power Elite (1956) by Columbia University sociologist C. Wright Mills

The nation's immediate problem is that while the common man fights America's wars, the intellectual elite sets its agenda. Today, whether the West lives or dies is in the hands of its new power elite: those who set the terms of public debate, who manipulate the symbols, who decide whether nations or leaders will be depicted on 100 million television sets as 'good' or 'bad.' This power elite sets the limits of the possible for Presidents and Congress. It molds the impressions that move the nation, or that mire it. --from The Real War (1980) by President Richard Nixon

At the national level, this conditioning of the public might be brought about via certain crises, such as a terrorist attack…. For the sake of peace and security, people may be willing to give up certain of their freedoms to some extent.
--from The Globalists: The Power Elite Exposed (published July 2001, two months before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001) by Dennis L. Cuddy, Ph.D.


Popular national radio talk-show host Rush Limbaugh repeatedly refers to anyone who believes in a one-world government conspiracy involving the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) as a "kook." However, on his February 7, 1995 program, he remarked: "You see, if you amount to anything in Washington these days, it is because you have been plucked or handpicked from an Ivy League school – Harvard, Yale, Kennedy School of Government – you've shown an aptitude to be a good Ivy League type, and so you're plucked so to speak, and you are assigned success. You are assigned a certain role in government somewhere, and then your success is monitored and tracked, and you go where the pluckers and the handpickers can put you."

While there are conspiracies going on in the world today, the pursuit of world government now is no longer conspiratorial in the sense of being hidden or secret. Rather, it's what socialist author H.G. Wells called "The Open Conspiracy," as prominent people such as Bill Clinton have openly written in support of world government. It will probably be a World Socialist Government, synthesizing western capitalism and eastern communism. In fact, Joseph Stalin in a speech at Sverdlov University in April 1924 pronounced that "the amalgamation and collaboration of nations within a single world system of economy… constitutes the material basis for the victory of socialism." And regarding what world government will ultimately mean, it will be authoritarian and repressive, for as Lord Acton wrote: "Absolute power corrupts absolutely."
In 1891, gold and diamond magnate Cecil Rhodes formed a secret society, the Society of the Elect, to "absorb the wealth of the world" and "to take the government of the whole world," according to Rhodes. According to Prof. Carroll Quigley, Bill Clinton's mentor at Georgetown University, in The Anglo-American Establishment, Rhodes' conspiratorial secret society lasted almost 60 years. By that time, enough members of the society and Rhodes scholars had penetrated the areas of politics, economics, journalism and education, so that the society was simply replaced by a network of power elite, who would openly pursue world government.

According to Quigley, "The [Rhodes] scholarships were merely a façade to conceal the secret society, or, more accurately, they were to be one of the instruments by which members of the secret society could carry out Rhodes' purpose." And in case anyone doubts the credibility of Prof. Quigley regarding this matter, The Washington Post article (March 23, 1975) about him and his information obtained from the power elite's "secret records" was titled, "The Professor Who Knew Too Much."

Cecil Rhodes' secret society was comprised of a small "Circle of Initiates" and a larger semi-secret "Association of Helpers" which formed Round Table Groups.

Rhodes scholars today will tell you that Rhodes abandoned his conspiratorial plans, instead opting simply to establish Rhodes scholarships. However, Association of Helpers member Arnold Toynbee, a world famous British historian, revealed in a June 1931 speech to the Institute for the Study of International Affairs at Copenhagen: "We are at present working discreetly with all our might to wrest this mysterious force called sovereignty out of the clutches of the local nation states of the world. All the time we are denying with our lips what we are doing with our hands, because to impugn the sovereignty of the local nation states of the world is still a heresy for which a statesman or publicist can perhaps not quite be burned at the stake but certainly ostracized or discredited." (See "The Trend of International Affairs Since The War" in the November 1931 edition of the Royal Institute of International Affairs' journal International Affairs.) This was decades after Rhodes established his scholarships.

Members of the Round Table Groups along with members of the Fabian (Socialist) Society as well as "the Inquiry" (a group formed by President Woodrow Wilson's chief advisor, Col. Edward M. House) formed the Royal Institute of International Affairs in Great Britain, and its American branch, the CFR. Both Prof. Quigley in Tragedy and Hope and CFR member Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. in A Thousand Days have referred to the CFR as a "front" for the power elite. And in Men and Powers, former West Germany chancellor Helmut Schmidt referred to the CFR as "the foreign policy elite," which prepared people for "top-level missions" in government and "other centers of international policy" and "had very silent but effective ways of seeing to its own succession."

Members of Rhodes' secret society networked with Fabian Socialists, who established the London School of Economics in 1895. One early Fabian, H.G. Wells, in New Worlds for Old explained what he called "a plot," whereby heads of state would come and go, but bureaucrats trained at the London School of Economics, for example, would remain in government making rules and regulations furthering the goals of the Fabian Socialists. Wells broke with the Fabians, not in terms of goals, but only in believing they should be open about them, as he explained the coming synthesis of western capitalism and eastern communism into a world socialist government. In this regard, he authored The Open Conspiracy: Blue Prints for a World Revolution (1928) and The New World Order (1939), in which he said sovereign states (nations) would end and "countless people… will hate the new world order… and will die protesting against it."

The power elite understood that it would be difficult to get the people of the world to accept a world government all at once, and so a gradualistic approach was suggested. Association of Helpers member and Canadian Rhodes scholar P.E. Corbett in Post-War Worlds (1942) wrote: "A world association binding together and coordinating regional groupings of states may evolve toward one universal federal government…. World government is the ultimate aim, but there is more chance of attaining it by gradual development." More recently, at Mikhail Gorbachev's first State of the World Forum in 1995, Zbigniew Brzezinski (President Jimmy Carter's National Security Advisor) announced that we "cannot leap into world government through one quick step, but rather via progressive regionalization."

During the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the trend toward socialism was obvious, but even after World War II it continued, as U.S. Rep. Carroll Reece on April 6, 1956 delivered a speech saying, "We approach closer and closer to socialism," and "The foundation-financed cartel promotes the idea of government by an elite." One of the elite was Rhodes scholar Walt Rostow who, in The United States in the World Arena (1960), proposed "an end to nationhood as it has been historically defined." He became Deputy National Security Advisor for President John F. Kennedy, whose Secretary of State was Rhodes scholar Dean Rusk, who in September 1961 issued "Freedom From War: The U.S. Program for General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World."

The same year "Freedom From War" was issued, another Rhodes scholar, Richard Gardner, became Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and three years later, while still in that position, authored In Pursuit of World Order. The Foreword to this book was written by Rhodes scholar Harlan Cleveland, who has been a CFR member, Ambassador to NATO, Director of International Affairs at the Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, and Chairman of the U.S. Weather Modification Advisory Board. Cleveland's books include The Third Try at World Order, Birth of a New World, and The Global Commons: Policy for the Planet.

How would "World Order" be pursued? In the April 1974 edition of the CFR's Foreign Affairs, Richard Gardner wrote in "The Hard Road to World Order," that it would involve "an end run around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece." He believed that approach would "accomplish much more than the old-fashioned frontal assault," and he further explained how GATT could be involved in the process. Gardner would eventually become an advisor on the United Nations to CFR member Bill Clinton’s first presidential campaign, after which he would become U.S. Ambassador to Spain, from which would come Marxist Javier Solana as the head of NATO with the support of the Clinton administration.

Bill Clinton had become a Rhodes scholar in the late 1960s with support from Prof. Quigley and Rhodes scholar U.S. Senator J. William Fulbright, who had authored Old Myths and New Realities (1964), announcing: "Indeed, the concept of national sovereignty has become in our time a principle of international anarchy…. The sovereign nation can no longer serve as the ultimate unit of personal loyalty and responsibility."

During then Governor Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign, his Rhodes scholar roommate at Oxford University, CFR director Strobe Talbott, wrote in Time (July 20, 1992) that "perhaps national sovereignty wasn't such a great idea after all…. But it has taken the events in our own wondrous and terrible century to clinch the case for world government." For that article, Talbott would receive the World Federalist Association's "Norman Cousins Global Governance Award," and on June 22, 1993, President Clinton would send a congratulatory letter to the WFA regarding the award, saying that previous WFA president Norman Cousins had worked for world peace "and world government." President Clinton ended the letter by wishing the WFA "future success." The WFA's objective is world federal government, and in 1994 it published The Genius of Federation: Why World Federation Is the Answer to Global Problems, in which it strategized: "Let the U.N. establish new agencies such as the International Criminal Court…. National sovereignty would be gradually eroded until it is no longer an issue. Eventually a world federation can be formally adopted with little resistance." In November 2003, the WFA merged with the Campaign for United Nations Reform to form a new organization called Citizens for Global Solutions with the motto "Building a World Community Under Law."

During his presidency, Bill Clinton would also develop a close relationship with British Prime Minister Tony Blair (a vice-president of Socialist International), whose "The Third Way: New Politics for the New Century" calling for "ethical socialism" was published in September 1998 by the Fabian (Socialist) Society. And in The Washington Post (April 7, 1999), Rhodes scholar E.J. Dionne, Jr. wrote "A World Safe for Socialism," describing how the Democratic Leadership Council "found itself playing host… to four Western European leaders whose parties have socialist and social democratic roots…. All subscribe to versions of the 'Third Way' approach to politics that Blair and Clinton have been marketing."

When Bill Clinton was first campaigning for the presidency, he took a "tough" stand concerning policy toward Communist China. However, over the years of his presidency, his policies toward that nation took a dramatically more friendly shift. On ABC's "This Week" (March 15, 1997), Rhodes scholar and former Clinton administration communications director George Stephanopoulos (CFR member) revealed: "There were a lot of reasons the president changed his policy on China…. It had little to do with [Chinese] contributions." And when Cokie Roberts on the same program, said, "It had more to do with American money," Stephanopoulos replied: "Council on Foreign Relations, Lehman Brothers, Goldman-Sachs, absolutely." Quite a few Rhodes scholars have occupied high-level positions with Goldman-Sachs over the years.
At this point, someone might say that they understand that Cecil Rhodes had a secret society to take over the world, and that Rhodes scholars like Robert Reich, Ira Magaziner, James Woolsey and others played important roles in the Clinton Administration. But, they might say, "That's all over, isn't it, now that Clinton has left office?"

It's important to remember, though, in this regard what Prof. Quigley said in Tragedy and Hope. He noted that William C. Whitney and others of wealth in the late 19th century developed a plan whereby they would control both major political parties through financial contributions, and then have those parties alternate power so that the public would think it had a choice. Prof. Quigley said that Whitney's plan lasted about 16 years, and after that, the "Eastern Establishment" (power elite) moved the Democrat and Republican presidential candidates toward the political center, "assiduously fostering the process behind the scenes." Prof. Quigley also said, "the process was concealed, as much as possible," and Quigley himself believed "the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can 'throw the rascals out' at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy."

William C. Whitney and his son were members of Yale University’s secret society Skull & Bones. And while Rhodes scholars were penetrating the areas of education, economics, journalism and politics, Skull & Bones member and Fabian Socialist ally Daniel Coit Gilman brought G. Stanley Hall to Johns Hopkins University, where he mentored Fabian Socialist ally John Dewey, the "father of progressive education," who said in Individualism, Old and New that "we are in for some kind of socialism."

In economics, Skull & Bones member Thomas Daniels was Chairman of the Board of Archer-Daniels-Midland transnational corporation, and Fabian Socialist John Maynard Keynes was promoting his debt-laden "Keynesian economics," which President Richard Nixon (CFR member) in a January 4, 1971 interview with Rhodes scholar Howard K. Smith said he had now adopted. On September 30, 2001 on "Fox News Sunday," Skull & Bones member President George W. Bush's chief-of-staff Andrew Card also said he believed a combination of supply-side and Keynesian economics works best.
In journalism, just as Rhodes scholars like Erwin Canham (president of the American Society of Newspaper Editors) and newsmen Howard K. Smith and Charles Collingwood along with Fabian (Socialist) Society members like Walter Lippmann (member of "the Inquiry" and CFR founding member) became prominent, Skull & Bones members Richard Ely Danielson became publisher of Atlantic Monthly, Russell Wheeler Davenport became editor of Fortune, William F. Buckley, Jr. became publisher of National Review, and Henry Luce became the founder of Time. Luce biographer Robert Herzstein wrote: "Early on, young Harry [Henry Luce] learned that a powerful circle of contacts and friends could move the world."
In politics, Skull & Bones member William Howard Taft in 1912 lost his presidential re-election bid in a three-way race similar to that of 1992 when Skull & Bones member George H.W. Bush lost his re-election bid to Bill Clinton. In 1912, Taft lost to Gov. Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat whose chief advisor Col. Edward M. House had promoted in Philip Dru: Administrator "socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx." And in 1992, President George H.W. Bush lost to Rhodes scholar Bill Clinton, who soon thereafter introduced a health care plan about which Milton Friedman on C-Span (Nov. 20, 1994) said: "You can’t think of a more Socialist program than the health care program that he [Bill Clinton] tried to get us to adopt."

Relevant to Prof. Quigley's reference to William C. Whitney’s plan for an alternation of power and the power elite’s promotion of Democrat and Republican presidential candidates whose foreign policy views are similarly globalist, Skull & Bones member George W. Bush then succeeded Bill Clinton as president, but foreign policy remained basically the same, which is what the power elite want. George W. Bush, his father, and Bill Clinton all supported such things as NAFTA, GATT, the World Trade Organization, U.N. peacekeeping operations, and Most Favored Nation trading status for Communist China. And like his father and Bill Clinton, President George W. Bush (whose website for his presidential campaign of 2000 was with Illuminati Online) has appointed notable CFR members to high-level positions in his administration. They include Colin Powell, Christine Todd Whitman, Elaine Chao, Condoleezza Rice and Robert Zoellick.

Vice-President Dick Cheney is also a CFR member, and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld is a former CFR member.
In the presidential campaign of 2004, among the leading Democratic challengers to President Bush were General Wesley Clark (Rhodes scholar from Little Rock, Arkansas) and U.S. Senator John Edwards, whose primary domestic policy advisor was Bruce Reed (Rhodes scholar who was President Clinton’s Domestic Policy Council deputy assistant). Though each of these candidates won a state's primary, U.S. Senator John Kerry has won far more primary states and is the presumptive Democratic nominee for President. Like President George W. Bush, Sen. Kerry is also a member of Skull & Bones, so whether the Democratic or Republican nominee wins the election in November 2004, a member of Skull & Bones will be President. And like President Bush, Sen. Kerry has also supported NAFTA, GATT, etc., which are vitally important to the power elite.

At this point, someone might argue that neither President George H.W. Bush nor his son, President George W. Bush, promotes socialism per se, and that is correct. But it should be remembered that what is at work is a "process," and when President George H.W. Bush gave us national education goals and his son's federal education budget is the largest ever, including an element of "accountability" to the federal Department of Education, that cannot be considered a movement away from socialism. Similarly, when President George H.W. Bush and his son both show some deference to the U.N., which is overwhelmingly dominated by socialist nations, that cannot be considered a movement away from a world socialist government. Is there really any substantial difference between President George H.W. Bush saying the Gulf War against Iraq was conducted under the authority of a U.N. resolution, and Bill Clinton saying on October 19, 1993 regarding Somalia that his administration is engaging in a political process "to see how we can… do all the things the United Nations ordered [us] to do"? And in case one doesn't believe the U.N. is pursuing world government status, what else can one call it when the U.N.'s International Criminal Tribunal claims the right to indict even an elected head of state of a sovereign nation and pursue him anywhere in the world?

Concerning the United Nations, one can find examples of both Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones involvement. At the suggestion of President Clinton, U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali made Rhodes scholar James Gustave Speth head of the U.N. Development Program. This was after Vice-President Bush in 1986 had recommended Skull & Bones member William Henry Draper III for the same position. Incidentally, Draper in 1977 had contributed $93,000 to Skull & Bones member George W. Bush's first company, Arbusto Energy, of which Salem bin Laden (Osama bin Laden's brother) was also a founder. Regarding other Skull & Bones members around George H.W. Bush (whose brother, Jonathan, is a member), Christopher Buckley (William F. Buckley, Jr.'s son) is a member of this Yale University secret society and was a speechwriter for Vice-President Bush. And member Bruce S. Gelb (CFR member) was director of the U.S. Information Agency and later Ambassador to Belgium after Vice-President Bush became President. And regarding President George W. Bush, he appointed a number of fellow Skull & Bones members including Edward McNally (General Counsel to the Office of Homeland Security), William Howard Taft IV (legal counsel to Secretary of State Colin Powell), and William Henry Donaldson (Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission).

In the U.S. Government, there has also been matching Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones involvement. In the executive branch, at the same time Rhodes scholar Strobe Talbott was becoming number two at the State Department, President Clinton had appointed Skull & Bones member Winston Lord (former CFR president) as an Assistant Secretary of State. And just as President John F. Kennedy had a number of Rhodes scholars at high levels in his administration, Skull & Bones members McGeorge Bundy and brother William Bundy occupied high-level positions then as well. William Bundy also worked for the CIA as have other Skull & Bones members such as William F. Buckley, Jr., his brother James Buckley, William Sloane Coffin, Archibald MacLeish, Richard Bissell, F. Trubee Davison, Amory Howe Bradford (officer of The New York Times from the mid-1940s until 1963), Richard Drain, Howard Weaver, and Hugh Cunningham (also a Rhodes scholar). Skull & Bones member George H.W. Bush actually headed the CIA as have Rhodes scholars Stansfield Turner and James Woolsey.

Regarding the military, Skull & Bones member Henry Stimson (who initiated George H.W. Bush into the same secret society) was Secretary of War in the administration of President Franklin Roosevelt, and President Clinton appointed Rhodes scholar Gen. Wesley Clark as head of NATO forces. President Clinton also appointed Rhodes scholar Richard Danzig as Secretary of the Navy and Rhodes scholar Admiral Dennis C. Blair as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Pacific Command.

In the legislative branch, a number of Rhodes scholars and Skull & Bones members have been in Congress, and former U.S. Senator David Boren (CFR member) is both a Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones member, who on August 26, 1992 wrote an article in The New York Times advocating a rapid deployment force for the U.N. to facilitate "the new world order." During the Clinton presidency, Sen. Boren as a Rhodes scholar persuaded President Clinton to make George Tenet head of the CIA, and then Sen. Boren as a Skull & Bones member persuaded fellow Bonesman President George W. Bush to keep Tenet in that important position.

In the judicial branch, the U.S. Supreme Court has included Skull & Bones members Potter Stewart and William Howard Taft (Chief Justice), and Rhodes scholars John Harlan, David Souter, and Byron White. One of Justice White's law clerks was Rhodes scholar David Kendall, who was also President Clinton's attorney during the Monica Lewinsky scandal.
Outside of government, of course, Rhodes scholars and Skull & Bones members have also been involved in important areas of American life, such as finance. Earlier it was mentioned how quite a few Rhodes scholars have worked for Goldman-Sachs over the years, and Skull & Bones members Averell Harriman, his brother E. Roland Harriman, and Prescott Sheldon Bush (George H.W. Bush's father) were partners in Brown Brothers, Harriman & Co.

These individuals have formed a network of power over the years, and although not every Rhodes scholar and Skull & Bones member has been plotting to take over the world, they are, for the most part, an elite whose globalist goals must be resisted by Americans who oppose any diminution of our Constitutional freedoms or our national sovereignty.

How might this diminution occur? At the top of page 303 of my book, The Globalists: The Power Elite Exposed, published in July 2001, I state: "At the national level, this conditioning of the public might be brought about via certain crises, such as a terrorist attack…. For the sake of peace and security, people may be willing to give up certain of their freedoms to some extent." Then on September 11, terrorists attacked the Pentagon near Washington, D.C., and the World Trade Center in New York City, and a few hours later ABC News/Washington Post released poll results showing two-thirds "say they would sacrifice some personal liberties in support of anti-terrorism efforts." Does this mean the power elite plotted the attacks on September 11? After all, didn't the public affairs website report on June 26 that the U.S. and Russia plan "'limited military action' against the Taliban if the contemplated tough new economic sanctions don't bend Afghanistan's fundamentalist regime"? And didn't the PBS program "Jihad in America" in 1994 show radical Muslims speaking in the U.S. over a decade ago and saying they would attack our airplanes and go after our high buildings? And in the same year of 1994, didn't Islamic terrorists hijack a plane in Algiers, intending to fly the passenger aircraft full of fuel into a tall prominent structure, the Eiffel Tower, exploding the plane over Paris?

Closer to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, didn’t on June 23, 2001 carry a report by a Muslim who had just interviewed Osama bin Laden and concluded that it was a race to see whether the U.S. would attack bin Laden first or he would attack the U.S. first? Shortly after this report, didn't the Northwest Airlines flight attendants' website carry a "Backgrounder" by Washington Times reporter Bill Gertz referring to Project Bojinka with hijacked airliners flying into the World Trade Center, Pentagon and other buildings? Then on September 10, 2001, didn't some top Pentagon officials suddenly cancel their travel plans for the next morning apparently because of security concerns, according to two reports by Newsweek? And on the evening of September 10, 2001, eight hours before the terrorist attacks of September 11, didn't San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown's security people at the airport there call him before his flight to New York City the morning of September 11 and advise him that he and all Americans should be cautious about their air travel (see The San Francisco Chronicle, September 12, page A17)? How could our leaders following the September 11 terrorist attacks here say that no one could have imagined such a thing would occur? I filed a Freedom of Information request regarding any warnings, alerts, or emergency rulings by the FAA (Federal Aviation Administration) or other government agencies pertaining to transportation between May 2001 and September 15 of that year. The Department of Homeland Security replied they had found 12 relevant Information Circulars, but they would not let me see them.
Wasn't Marcus Mabry's Newsweek Web Exclusive of September 15, 2001, about the terrorist attacks and their aftermath titled, "Welcome to the New World Order"? And didn't Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien say on September 29, 2001, that "there will probably be a new order in the world that will probably be better than we have now"?

No, the power elite actually didn't plot the attacks of September 11. They didn’t have to. Remember that Rhodes' conspiracy ended as such around 1960 because enough like-minded globalists were in key positions in politics, economics, education and journalism, and his conspiracy was no longer necessary (being replaced by a global network of power elite pursuing world government). When a student several years ago went on a shooting rampage, the press rarely reported that he was stopped by a teacher with a gun, because the press is overwhelmingly for gun control. The power elite did not have to call editors of the nation’s newspapers and tell them what to say.

Similarly, the power elite didn't call up terrorists and tell them to fly into the Pentagon and World Trade Center. However, if I could forecast terrorist attacks, so can the power elite.

Rather, there is a dialectic at work here. You may recall that under at State Department contract, CFR member Lincoln Bloomfield in 1962 wrote: "A world effectively controlled by the United Nations is one in which 'world government' would come about through the establishment of supranational institutions, characterized by… some ability to employ physical force…. [But] if the communist dynamic was greatly abated, the West might lose whatever incentive it has for world government." Interestingly, Bloomfield also wrote that the world government could come about by means of "a grave crisis or war to bring about a sudden transformation in national attitudes sufficient for the purpose…. The order we examine may be brought into existence as a result of a series of sudden, nasty, and traumatic shocks."

Relevant to today, it is the reaction (public willingness to give up some Constitutional freedoms) to the action (terrorist attack wherever and whenever and however it occurs) that is important to the power elite. Thus, they don't have to cause the action, but only anticipate that it will occur sometime, and emphasize the public reaction to it to further their goals. And in case anyone doesn't believe the power elite wants a diminution of our Constitutional freedoms and our national sovereignty, just look at Our Global Neighborhood: The Basic Vision, a document produced several years ago by The Commission on Global Governance, whose work was supported by then U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Members of the Commission included Maurice Strong (Secretary-General of the Rio Earth Summit, co-author of the current Earth Charter, and right-hand man of U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan) and Barber Conable (former president of the World Bank). Among the Commission’s proposals are that "a new world order must be organized…. In certain fields, sovereignty has to be exercised collectively…. The principle of sovereignty must be adapted in such a way as to balance… the interests of nations with the interests of the global neighborhood…. We strongly endorse community initiatives to… encourage the disarming of civilians…. We would like to see a permanent international criminal court instituted as a matter of the highest priority…. We are… in need of a mobilizing principle… a new world order that secures the ascendancy of global neighborhood values over divisive nationalism."

Of course, the public will have to be prepared to accept world government, and what better way to do that than via education. The primary arm of the U.N. dealing with education is UNESCO, and in its first Director-General Sir Julian Huxley's UNESCO: Its Purpose and Its Philosophy (1948), he wrote: "Political unification in some sort of world government will be required." On October 3, 2003, on the occasion of the U.S. rejoining UNESCO (after President Reagan had withdrawn the U.S.), U.S. Secretary of Education Rod Paige declared: "The United States is pleased to return to UNESCO…. Our governments have entrusted us with the responsibility of preparing our children to become citizens of the world…. UNESCO is a powerful forum for sharing our views, developing a common strategy, and implementing joint action." The problem with the concept of "world citizens" is that just as "citizens" of a state have to obey the laws of that state, "citizens of the world" will be expected to obey world laws. And the clear majority of the world's nations are socialist, so that world laws will reflect a socialist perspective.

The conditioning of the public in the past has been gradual, but as famous author H.G. Wells noted, the process will speed up in the end as the synthesis toward a World Socialist Government gains greater momentum. Hopefully, Americans will wake up before it’s too late and resist this global effort on the part of the power elite.
© 2004 Dennis Cuddy - All Rights Reserved


Dennis Laurence Cuddy, historian and political analyst, received a Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (major in American History, minor in political science). Dr. Cuddy has taught at the university level, has been a political and economic risk analyst for an international consulting firm, and has been a Senior Associate with the U.S. Department of Education.

Cuddy has also testified before members of Congress on behalf of the U.S. Department of Justice. Dr. Cuddy has authored or edited seventeen books and booklets, and has written hundreds of articles appearing in newspapers around the nation, including The Washington Post, Los Angeles Times and USA Today. He has been a guest on numerous radio talk shows in various parts of the country, such as ABC Radio in New York City, and he has also been a guest on the national television programs USA Today and CBS's Nightwatch.


Cuddy is fast becoming one of my all-time favorite researchers and gatherers of valuable info and intel. I'm grateful to him.

« Last Edit: June 28, 2005, 01:15:33 am by Elias Alias »
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Elias Alias

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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #353 on: June 29, 2005, 09:17:13 am »

And from two other favorite researchers/writers, Anton Chaitkin and Webster Tarpley, this chapter from their book, "George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography" - found here:

George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography --- by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter -XVIII- Iran- Contra

``What pleases the prince has the force of law.''
--Roman law

``As long as the police carries out the will of the leadership, it is acting legally.''
-- Gestapo officer Werner Best@s1


We cannot provide here a complete overview of the Iran-Contra affair. We shall attempt, rather, to give an account of George Bush's decisive, central role in those events, which occurred during his vice-presidency and spilled over into his presidency. The principal elements of scandal in Iran-Contra may be reduced to the following points:

      1) the secret arming of the Khomeini regime in Iran by the U.S. government, during an official U.S.-decreed arms embargo against Iran, while the U.S. publicly denounced the recipients of its secret deliveries as terrorists and kidnappers--a policy initiated under the Jimmy Carter presidency and accelerated by the Reagan-Bush administration;

      2) the Reagan-Bush administration's secret arming of its `` Contras '' for war against the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, while such aid was explicitly prohibited under U.S. law;

      3) the use of communist and terrorist enemies--often armed directly by the Anglo-Americans--to justify a police state and covert, oligarchical rule at home;

      4) paying for and protecting the gun-running projects with drug- smuggling, embezzlement, theft by diversion from authorized U.S. programs, and the `` silencing '' of both opponents and knowledgeable participants in the schemes; and

      5) the continual, routine perjury and deception of the public by government officials pretending to have no knowledge of these activities; and the routine acquiescence in that deception by Congressmen too frightened to oppose it.

When the scandal broke, in late 1986 and early 1987, George Bush maintained that he knew nothing about these illegal activities; that other government officials involved in them had kept him in the dark; that he had attended no important meetings where these subjects were under discussion. Since that time, many once- classified documents have come to light, which suggest that Bush organized and supervised many, or most, of the criminal aspects of the Iran-Contra adventures. The most significant events relevant to George Bush's role are presented here in the format of a chronology. At the end of the chronology, parts of the testimony of George Bush's loyal assistant Donald Gregg will be provided, to allow for a comparison of the documented events with the Bush camp's account of things. Over the time period covered, the reader will observe the emergence of new structures in the U.S. government:
# The `` Special Situation Group, '' together with its subordinate `` Standing Crisis Pre-Planning Group '' (May 14, 1982).
# The `` Crisis Management Center '' (February 1983).
# The `` Terrorist Incident Working Group '' (April 3, 1984).
# The `` Task Force on Combatting Terrorism '' (or simply Terrorism Task Force) (July 1985).

The `` Operations Sub-Group '' (January 20, 1986). These were among the official, secret structures of the U.S. government created from 1982 through 1986. Other structures, whose existence has not yet come to light, may also have been created--or may have persisted from an earlier time. Nothing of this is to be found in the United States Constitution. All of these structures revolved around the secret command role of the then-Vice President, George Bush. The propaganda given out to justify these changes in government has stressed the need for secrecy to carry out necessary covert acts against enemies of the nation (or of its leaders). Certainly, a military command will act secretly in war, and will protect secrets of its vulnerable capabilities. But the Bush apparatus, within and behind the government, was formed to carry out covert policies: to make war when the constitutional government had decided not to make war; to support enemies of the nation (terrorists and drug-runners) who are the friends or agents of the secret government. In the period of the chronology, there are a number of meetings of public officials-- secret meetings. Who really made the policies, which were then well or poorly executed by the covert action structure? By looking at the scant information that has come to light on these meetings, we may reach some conclusions about who advocated certain policy choices; but we have not then learned much about the actual origin of the policies that were being carried out. This is the rule of an oligarchy whose members are unknown to the public, an oligarchy which is bound by no known laws.
    January 20, 1981:

Ronald Reagan was inaugurated as U.S. President.
    March 25, 1981:

Vice President George Bush was named the leader of the United States `` crisis management '' staff, `` as a part of the National Security Council system. ''
    March 30, 1981:

The new President was shot in an attempted assassination. He survived his wounds, so Vice President Bush did not succeed to the presidency.
    May 14, 1982:

Bush's position as chief of all covert action and de facto head of U.S. intelligence--in a sense, the acting President--was formalized in a secret memorandum. The memo explained that `` National Security Decision Directive 3, Crisis Management, establishes the Special Situation Group (SSG), chaired by the Vice President. The SSG is charged ... with formulating plans in anticipation of crises. '' It is most astonishing that, in all of the reports, articles and books about the Iran-Contra covert actions, the existence of Bush's SSG has received no significant attention. Yet its importance in the management of those covert actions is obvious and unmistakable, as soon as an investigative light is thrown upon it. The memo in question also announced the birth of another organization, the Standing Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG), which was to work as an intelligence-gathering agency for Bush and his SSG. This new subordinate group, consisting of representatives of Vice President Bush, National Security Council (NSC) staff members, the CIA, the military and the State Department, was to `` meet periodically in the White House Situation Room.... '' They were to identify areas of potential crisis and `` [p]resent ... plans and policy options to the SSG '' under Chairman Bush. And they were to provide to Bush and his assistants, `` as crises develop, alternative plans, '' `` action/options '' and `` coordinated implementation plans '' to resolve the `` crises. '' Finally, the subordinate group was to give to Chairman Bush and his assistants `` recommended security, cover, and media plans that will enhance the likelihood of successful execution. '' It was announced that the CPPG would meet for the first time on May 20, 1982, and that agencies were to `` provide the name of their CPPG representative to Oliver North, NSC staff.... '' The memo was signed `` for the President '' by Reagan's national security adviser, William P. Clark. It was declassified during the congressional Iran-Contra hearings.@s2
Gregg, Rodriguez and North Join the Bush Team
    August 1982:

Vice President Bush hired Donald P. Gregg as his principal adviser on national security affairs. Gregg now officially retired from the Central Intelligence Agency.

Donald Gregg brought along into the Vice President's office his old relationship with mid-level CIA assassinations manager Felix I. Rodriguez. Gregg had been Rodriguez's boss in Vietnam. Donald Gregg worked under Bush in Washington from 1976--when Bush was CIA Director--through the later 1970s, when the Bush clique was at war with President Carter and his CIA Director, Stansfield Turner. Gregg was detailed to work at the National Security Council between 1979 and 1982. From 1976 right up through that NSC assignment, CIA officer Gregg saw CIA agent Rodriguez regularly. Both men were intensely loyal to Bush.@s3 Their continuing collaboration was crucial to Vice President Bush's organization of covert action. Rodriguez was now to operate out of the Vice President's office.
    December 21, 1982:

The first `` Boland Amendment '' became law: `` None of the funds provided in this Act [the Defense Appropriations Bill] may be used by the Central Intelligence Agency or the Department of Defense to furnish military equipment, military training or advice, or other support for military activities, to any group or individual ... for the purpose of overthrowing the government of Nicaragua. '' `` Boland I, '' as it was called, remained in effect until Oct. 3, 1984, when it was superseded by a stronger prohibition known as `` Boland II. ''@s4
    February 1983:

Fawn Hall joined Oliver North as his assistant. Ms. Hall reported that she worked with North on the development of a secret `` Crisis Management Center. '' Lt. Colonel North, an employee of the National Security Council, is seen here managing a new structure within the Bush-directed SSG/CPPG arrangements of 1981- 82.@s5
    March 3, 1983:

In the spring of 1983, the National Security Council established an office of `` Public Diplomacy '' to propagandize in favor of and run cover for the Iran-Contra operations, and to coordinate published attacks on opponents of the program. Former CIA Director of Propaganda Walter Raymond was put in charge of the effort. The unit was to work with domestic and international news media, as well as private foundations. The Bush family-affiliated Smith Richardson Foundation was part of a National Security Council `` private donors' steering committee '' charged with coordinating this propaganda effort. A March 3, 1983 memorandum from Walter Raymond to then-NSC Director William Clark, provided details of the program: ``

      As you will remember you and I briefly mentioned to the President when we briefed him on the N[ational] S[ecurity] D[ecision] D[irective] on public diplomacy that we would like to get together with some potential donors at a later date....

      ``To accomplish these objectives Charlie [United States Information Agency Director Charles Z. Wick] has had two lengthy meetings with a group of people representing the private sector. This group had included principally program directors rather than funders. The group was largely pulled together by Frank Barnett, Dan McMichael (Dick [Richard Mellon] Scaife's man), Mike Joyce (Olin Foundation), Les Lenkowsky (Smith Richardson Foundation) plus Leonard Sussman and Leo Cherne of Freedom House. A number of others including Roy Godson have also participated. '' [Everything above in parentheses is in the original].@s6

Elsewhere, Raymond described Cherne and Godson as the coordinators of this group. Frank Barnett was the director of the Bush family's National Strategy Information Center, for which Godson was the Washington, D.C. director. Barnett had been the project director of the Smith Richardson Foundation prior to being assigned to that post. The Smith Richardson Foundation has sunk millions of dollars into the Iran-Contra projects. Some Smith Richardson grantees, receiving money since the establishment of the National Security Council's ``private steering committee'' (according to the foundation's annual reports) include the following:
# Freedom House. This was formed by Leo Cherne, business partner of CIA Director William Casey. Cherne oversaw Walter Raymond's ``private donor's committee.''
# National Strategy Information Center, founded in 1962 by Casey, Cherne and the Bush family (see Chapter 4). Thus, when an item appeared in a daily newspaper, supporting the Contras, or attacking their opponents--calling them ``extremists,'' etc.--it is likely to have been planted by the U.S. government, by the George Bush-NSC ``private donors''' apparatus.
    March 17, 1983:

Professional assassinations manager Felix I. Rodriguez met with Bush aide Donald P. Gregg, officially and secretly, at the White House. Gregg then recommended to National Security Council adviser Robert `` Bud '' McFarlane a plan for El Salvador-based military attacks on a target area of Central American nations including Nicaragua. Gregg's March 17, 1983 memo to McFarlane said: `` The attached plan, written in March of last year, grew out of two experiences: ``--Anti-Vietcong operations run under my direction in III Corps Vietnam from 1970-1972. These operations [see below], based on ... a small elite force ... produced very favorable results. ``--Rudy Enders, who is now in charge of what is left of the para-military capability of the CIA, went to El Salvador in 1981 to do a survey and develop plans for effective anti-guerrilla operations. He came back and endorsed the attached plan. (I should add that Enders and Felix Rodriguez, who wrote the attached plan, both worked for me in Vietnam and carried out the actual operations outlined above.) ``This plan encountered opposition and skepticism from the U.S. military.... ``I believe the plan can work based on my experience in Vietnam....''@s7 Three years later, Bush agent Rodriguez would be publicly exposed as the supervisor of the covert Central American network illegally supplying arms to the Contras; that exposure of Rodriguez would begin the explosive public phase of the ``Iran-Contra scandal.'' Rodriguez's uncle had been Cuba's public works minister under Fulgencio Batista, and his family fled Castro's 1959 revolution. Felix Rodriguez joined the CIA, and was posted to the CIA's notorious Miami Station in the early 1960s. The Ted Shackley-E. Howard Hunt organization there, assisted by Meyer Lansky's and Santos Trafficante's mafiosi, trained Rodriguez and other Cubans in the arts of murder and sabotage. Rodriguez and his fellow CIA trainees took part in numerous terror raids against Castro's Cuba. Felix Rodriguez recounted his early adventures in gun-running under false pretexts in a ghost-written book, Shadow Warrior:

      Just around the time President Kennedy was assassinated, I left for Central America. I spent almost two years in Nicaragua, running the communications network for [our enterprise]....
  • ur arms cache was in Costa Rica. The funding for the project came from the CIA, but the money's origin was hidden through the use of a cover corporation, a company called Maritima BAM, which was [Manuel] Artim's initials spelled backwards. Periodically, deposits of hundreds of thousands of dollars would be made in Maritima BAM's accounts, and disbursed by Cuban corporation officers. The U.S. government had the deniability it wanted; we got the money we needed.... In fact, what we did in Nicaragua twenty-five years ago has some pretty close parallels to the Contra operation today.@s8

Rodriguez followed his CIA boss Ted Shackley to Southeast Asia in 1970. Shackley and Donald Gregg put Rodriguez into the huge assassination and dope business which Shackley and his colleagues ran during the Indochina war; this bunch became the heart of the ``Enterprise'' that went into action 15 to 20 years later in Iran- Contra. Shackley funded opium-growing Meo tribesmen in murder, and used the dope proceeds in turn to fund his hit squads. He formed the Military Assistance Group-Special Operations Group (MAG-SOG) political murder unit; Gen. John K. Singlaub was a commander of MAG- SOG; Oliver North and Richard Secord were officers of the unit. By 1971, the Shackley group had killed about 100,000 civilians in Southeast Asia as part of the CIA's Operation Phoenix. After Vietnam, Felix Rodriguez went back to Latin American CIA operations, while other parts of the Shackley organization went on to drug- selling and gun-running in the Middle East. By 1983, both the Mideast Shackley group and the self-styled ``Shadow Warrior,'' Felix Rodriguez, were attached to the shadow commander-in-chief, George Bush.
    May 25, 1983:

Secretary of State George Shultz wrote a memorandum for President Reagan, trying to stop George Bush from running Central American operations for the U.S. government. Shultz included a draft National Security Decision Directive for the President to sign, and an organizational chart (`` Proposed Structure '') showing Shultz's proposal for the line of authority--from the President and his NSC, through Secretary of State Shultz and his assistant secretary, down to an interagency group. The last line of the Shultz memo says bluntly what role is reserved for the Bush-supervised CPPG: ``The Crisis Pre-Planning Group is relieved of its assignments in this area.'' Back came a memorandum for The Honorable George P. Shultz, on a White House letterhead but bearing no signature, saying no to Shultz: ``The institutional arrangements established in NSDD-2 are, I believe, appropriate to fulfill [our national security requirements in Central America]....'' With the put-down is a chart headlined ``NSDD-2 Structure for Central America.'' At the top is the President; just below is a complex of Bush's SSG and CPPG as managers of the NSC; then below that is the Secretary of State, and below him various agencies and interagency groups.@s9
    July 12, 1983:

Kenneth De Graffenreid, new manager of the Intelligence Directorate of the National Security Council, sent a secret memo to George Bush's aide, Admiral Daniel Murphy:

      `` ... Bud McFarlane has asked that I meet with you today, if possible, to review procedures for obtaining the Vice President's comments and concurrence on all N[ational] S[ecurity] C[ouncil] P[lanning G[roup] covert action and MONs. ''@s1@s0

The Bush Regency in Action
    October 20, 1983:

The U.S. invasion of the Caribbean island-nation of Grenada was decided upon in a secret meeting of the metagovernment--the National Security State--under the leadership of George Bush. National Security Council operative Constantine Menges, a stalwart participant in these events, described the action for posterity:

      My job that afternoon was to write the background memorandum that would be used by the vice president, who in his role as ``crisis manager'' would chair this first NSC meeting on the [Grenada] issue.... [F]ortunately I had help from Oliver North, who in his nearly three years with NSC had become expert in the memo formats and formal procedures. After the morning CPPG meeting, North had begun to get interested in Grenada.... Shortly before 6:00 P.M., the participants began to arrive: Vice President Bush, [Secretary of Defense Caspar] Weinberger, [Attorney General Edwin] Meese, J[oint] C[hiefs of] S[taff] Chairman General Vessey, acting CIA Director McMahon, [State Dept. officer Lawrence] Eagleburger, ... North and myself. We all went to the Situation Room in the White House. President Reagan was travelling, as were [CIA Director] Bill Casey and Jeane Kirkpatrick.... Vice President Bush sat in the president's chair.

      Menges continued: ``... A factual update was the first order of business. Then the discussion moved to the availability of military forces and how long it would take to ready them. The objective, right from the beginning, was to plan a rescue [of American students detained on Grenada] that would guarantee quick success, but with a minimum of casualties....'' ``The first suggested presidential decision was to prepare for possible military action by shifting navy ships, which were taking a marine unit to rotate forces in Lebanon, plus other naval units, toward Grenada. ``Secrecy was imperative.... As part of this plan, there would be no change in the schedule of the top man. President Reagan ... would travel to Augusta, Georgia, for a golf weekend. Secretary of State Shultz would go too....'' Work now proceeded on detailed action plans, under the guidance of the Vice President's Special Situation Group. ``Late Friday afternoon [Oct. 21] ... the CPPG ... [met] in room 208.... Now the tone of our discussions had shifted from whether we would act to how this could be accomplished.... ''[The] most secure means [were to] be used to order U.S. ships to change course ... toward Grenada. Nevertheless, ABC news had learned about this and was broadcasting it.''

Thus, the course of action decided upon without the President was ``leaked'' to the news media, and became a fait-accompli. Menges's memo continues:

      It pleased me to see that now our government was working as a team.... That evening Ollie North and I worked together ... writing the background and decision memoranda. Early in the evening [NSC officer Admiral John] Poindexter reviewed our first draft and made a few minor revisions. Then the Grenada memoranda were sent to the President, Shultz and McFarlane at the golf course in Georgia.... Shortly before 9:00 A.M. [Oct. 22], members of the foreign policy cabinet [sic!] began arriving at the White House--all out of sight of reporters. The participants included Weinberger, Vessey, and Fred Ikle from Defense; Eagleburger and Motley from State; McMahon and an operations officer from CIA; and Poindexter, North and myself from NSC. Vice President Bush chaired the Washington group. All participants were escorted to room 208, which many had never seen before. The vice president sat at one end of the long table and Poindexter at the other, with speaker phones positioned so that everyone could hear President Reagan, Shultz, and McFarlane. The meeting began with an overview and an update.... There were animated discussions.... The conclusion was that by early Tuesday, October 25, the United States and allied forces would be in a position to initiate military action.... The only legal authority on Grenada was the governor general, Sir Paul N. Scoon, ... a Grenadan citizen appointed by the British crown.... Ingeniously, he had smuggled out a request for external help in restoring law and order.... The detailed hour-by-hour plan was circulated to everyone at the meeting. There was also a short discussion of the War Powers Resolution, which requires the president to get approval of Congress if he intends to deploy U.S. troops in combat for more than sixty days. There was little question that U.S. combat forces would be out before that time.... The president had participated and asked questions over the speaker phone; he made his decision. The U.S. would answer the call from our Caribbean neighbors. We would assure the safety of our citizens.@s1@s 1

Clearly, there was no perceived need to follow the U.S. Constitution and leave the question of whether to make war up to the Congress. After all, President Reagan had concurred, from the golf course, with Acting President Bush's decision in the matter. And the British nominee in the target country had requested Mr. Bush's help!
    November 3, 1983:

Bush aide Donald Gregg met with Felix Rodriguez to discuss `` the general situation in Central America. ''@s1@s2
    December 1983:

Oliver North accompanied Vice President Bush to El Salvador as his assistant. Bush met with Salvadoran army commanders. North helped Bush prepare a speech, in which he publicly called upon them to end their support for the use of `` death squads. '' North later testified that Bush's speech `` was one of the bravest things I've seen for anybody [sic]. ''@s1@s3
Attack from Jupiter
    January 1 through March 1984:

The Wall Street Journal of March 6, 1985 gave a de- romanticized version of certain aquatic adventures in Central America:

      Armed speedboats and a helicopter launched from a Central Intelligence Agency `` mother ship'' attacked Nicaragua's Pacific port, Puerto Sandino on a moonless New Year's night in 1984. A week later the speedboats returned to mine the oil terminal. Over the next three months, they laid more than 30 mines in Puerto Sandino and also in the harbors at Corinto and El Bluff. In air and sea raids on coastal positions, Americans flew--and fired from--an armed helicopter that accompanied the U.S.-financed Latino force, while a CIA plane provided sophisticated reconaissance guidance for the nighttime attacks. The operation, outlined in a classified CIA document, marked the peak of U.S. involvement in the four-year guerrilla war in Nicaragua. More than any single event, it solidified congressional opposition to the covert war, and in the year since then, no new money has been approved beyond the last CIA checks drawn early [in the] summer [of 1984].... CIA paramilitary officers were upset by the ineffectiveness of the Contras.... As the insurgency force grew ... during 1983 ... the CIA began to use the guerrilla army as a cover for its own small `` Latino '' force.... [The] most celebrated attack, by armed speedboats, came Oct. 11, 1983, against oil facilities at Corinto. Three days later, an underwater pipeline at Puerto Sandino was sabotaged by Latino [sic] frogmen. The message wasn't lost on Exxon Corp.'s Esso unit [formerly Standard Oil of New Jersey], and the international giant informed the Sandinista government that it would no longer provide tankers for transporting oil to Nicaragua. The CIA's success in scaring off a major shipper fit well into its mining strategy.... The mother ship used in the mining operation is described by sources as a private chartered vessel with a configuration similar to an oil-field service and towing ship with a long, flat stern section where helicopters could land....

The reader may have already surmised that Vice President Bush (with his background in `` oilfield service '' and his control of a `` top-level committee of the National Security Council '') sat in his Washington office and planned these brilliant schemes. But such a guess is probably incorrect--it is off by about 800 miles. On Jupiter Island, Florida, where the Bush family has had a seasonal residence for the past several decades (see Chapter 4) is the headquarters of Continental Shelf Associates, Inc. (CSA).@s1@s4

This company describes itself as `` an environmental consulting firm specializing in applied marine science and technology ... founded in 1970.... The main office ... is located in Jupiter, Florida, approximately 75 miles north of Miami. '' CSA has `` Offshore and Onshore divisions. '' It lists among its clients Exxon Company, U.S.A.; Military Sealift Command; Pennzoil Company; U.S. Department of Defense/Army Corps of Engineers; and other oil companies and government agencies. CSA's main advertised concern is with underwater engineering, often involving oil or nuclear facilities. It has many `` classified '' projects. It employs the world's most sophisticated subsurface vehicles and monitoring equipment. The founder and chief executive of CSA is Robert `` Stretch '' Stevens. A former lieutenant commander in naval special operations, Stevens has been a close associate of CIA officer Theodore Shackley, and of Bush agent Felix Rodriguez since the early 1960s, when Stevens served as a boat captain in the invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs, and through the Vietnam War. During the period 1982-85, CSA was contracted by the U.S. intelligence community, including the CIA, to carry out coastal and on-the-ground reconnaissance and logistical support work in the eastern Mediterranean in support of the U.S. Marine deployment into Lebanon; and coastal mapping and reconnaissance of the Caribbean island of Grenada prior to the October 1983 U.S. military action. Beginning in approximately the autumn of 1983, CSA was employed to design and execute a program for the mining of several Nicaraguan harbors. After the U.S. Senate restricted such activities to non-U.S. personnel only, CSA trained `` Latin American nationals '' at a facility located on El Bravo Island off the eastern coast of Nicaragua. Acta Non Verba (Deeds Not Words) is a `` subsidiary '' of CSA, incorporated in 1986 and located at the identical Jupiter address. Rudy Enders, the head of the CIA's paramilitary section--and deployed by George Bush aide Donald Gregg--is a minority owner of Acta Non Verba (ANV). ANV's own tough-talking promotional literature says that it concentrates on `` counter-terrorist activities in the maritime environment. '' A very high-level retired CIA officer, whose private interview was used in preparation for this book, described this `` Fish Farm '' in the following more realistic terms: `` Assassination operations and training company controlled by Ted Shackley, under the cover of a private corporation with a regular board of directors, stockholders, etc., located in Florida. They covertly bring in Haitian and Southeast Asian boat people as recruits, as well as Koreans, Cubans, and Americans. They hire out assassinations and intelligence services to governments, corporations, and individuals, and also use them for covering or implementing `Fish Farm' projects/activities. '' The upshot of the attack from Jupiter--the mining of Nicaragua's harbors--was that the Congress got angry enough to pass the `` Boland II '' amendment, re-tightening the laws against this public- private warfare (see entry for Oct. 3, 1984).
    April 3, 1984:

Another subcommittee of the Bush terrorism apparatus was formed, as President Reagan signed National Security Decision Directive 138. The new `` Terrorist Incident Working Group '' reported to Bush's Special Situation Group. The TIWG geared up government agencies to support militant counterterrorism assaults, on the Israeli model.@s1@s5
`` How Can Anyone Object? ''
    June 25, 1984:

The National Security Planning Group, including Reagan, Bush and other top officials, met secretly in the White House situation room at 2:00 P.M. They discussed whether to risk seeking `` third- country aid '' to the Contras, to get around the congressional ban enacted Dec. 21, 1982. George Bush spoke in favor, according to minutes of the meeting. Bush said, `` How can anyone object to the U.S. encouraging third parties to provide help to the anti- Sandinistas under the [intelligence] finding. The only problem that might come up is if the United States were to promise to give these third parties something in return so that some people might interpret this as some kind of an exchange '' [emphasis added]. Warning that this would be illegal, Secretary of State Shultz said: `` I would like to get money for the contras also, but another lawyer [then-Treasury Secretary] Jim Baker said if we go out and try to get money from third countries, it is an impeachable offense. '' CIA Director Casey reminded Shultz that `` Jim Baker changed his mind [and now supported the circumvention].... '' NSC adviser Robert McFarlane cautioned, `` I propose that there be no authority for anyone to seek third party support for the anti-Sandinistas until we have the information we need, and I certainly hope none of this discussion will be made public in any way. '' President Ronald Reagan then closed the meeting with a warning against anyone leaking the fact they were considering how to circumvent the law: `` If such a story gets out, we'll all be hanging by our thumbs in front of the White House until we find out who did it. '' In March of the following year, Bush personally arranged the transfer of funds to the Contras by the Honduran government, assuring them they would receive compensating U.S. aid. The minutes of this meeting, originally marked `` secret, '' were released five years later, at Oliver North's trial in the spring of 1989.@s1@s6
    October 3, 1984:

Congress enacted a new version of the earlier attempt to outlaw the U.S. secret war in Central America. This `` Boland II '' amendment was designed to prevent any conceivable form of deceit by the covert action apparatus: `` During fiscal year 1985, no funds available to the Central Intelligence Agency, the Department of Defense, or any other agency or entity of the United States involved in intelligence activities may be obligated or expended for the purpose or which would have the effect of supporting, directly or indirectly, military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua by any nation, group, organization, movement, or individual. '' This law was effective from October 3, 1984, to December 5, 1985, when it was superceded by various aid-limitation laws which, taken together, were referred to as `` Boland III. ''@s1@s7
    November 1, 1984:

Felix Rodriguez's partner, Gerard Latchinian, was arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Latchinian was then tried and convicted of smuggling $10.3 million in cocaine into the United States. The dope was to finance the murder and overthrow of the President of Honduras, Roberto Suazo Cordova. Latchinian was sentenced to a 30-year prison term.

On Nov. 10, 1983, a year before the arrest, Felix Rodriguez had filed the annual registration with Florida's secretary of state on behalf of Latchinian's and Rodriguez's joint enterprise, `` Giro Aviation Corp. ''@s1@s8
    December 21, 1984:

Felix Rodriguez met in the office of the Vice President with Bush adviser Donald Gregg. Immediately after this meeting, Rodriguez met with Oliver North, supposedly for the first time in his life. But Bush's adviser strenuously denied to investigators that he `` introduced '' his CIA employee to North.@s1@s9
    January 18, 1985 (Friday):

Felix Rodriguez met with Ramon Milian Rodriguez (not known to be a relative of Felix), accountant and money launderer, who had moved $1.5 billion for the Medelli@aan cocaine cartel. Milian testified before a Senate investigation of the Contras' drug-smuggling, that more than a year earlier he had granted Felix's request and given $10 million from the cocaine cartel to Felix for the Contras.

Milian Rodriguez was interviewed in his prison cell in Butner, North Carolina, by investigative journalist Martha Honey. He said Felix Rodriguez had offered that `` in exchange for money for the Contra cause he would use his influence in high places to get the [Cocaine] cartel U.S. `good will'.... Frankly, one of the selling points was that he could talk directly to Bush. The issue of good will wasn't something that was going to go through 27 bureaucratic hands. It was something that was directly between him and Bush. '' Ramon Milian Rodriguez was a Republican contributor, who had partied by invitation at the 1981 Reagan-Bush inauguration ceremonies. He had been arrested aboard a Panama-bound private jet by federal agents in May 1983, while carrying over $5 million in cash. According to Felix Rodriguez, Milian was seeking a way out of the narcotics charges when he met with Felix on January 18, 1985. This meeting remained secret until two years later, when Felix Rodriguez had become notorious in the Iran-Contra scandal. The Miami Herald broke the story on June 30, 1987. Felix Rodriguez at first denied ever meeting with Ramon Milian Rodriguez. But then a new story was worked out with various agencies. Felix `` remembered '' the Jan. 18, 1985 meeting, claimed he had `` said nothing '' during it, and `` remembered '' that he had filed documents with the FBI and CIA telling them about the meeting just afterwards.@s2@s0
    January 22, 1985 (Tuesday):

George Bush met with Felix Rodriguez in the Executive Office Building. The agenda may have included the results of the meeting five days before with Medelli@aan cocaine cartel representative Milian Rodriguez.

Felix's ghost writer doesn't tell us what was said, only that Felix was `` able to show [Bush] some of the photos from my album. The honor of being with the Vice President ... was overwhelming. Mr. Bush was easy to talk to, and he was interested in my stories. ''@s2@s1
    Late January, 1985:

George Bush's office officially organized contacts through the State Department for Felix Rodriguez to operate in Central America from a base in El Salvador, in a false `` private '' capacity. The U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, Thomas Pickering, then cabled to Gen. Paul F. Gorman, commander of the U.S. Army Southern Command: `` Rodriguez has high-level contacts at the White House, DOS [State Dept] and DOD [Defense Department], some of whom are strongly supporting his use in El Salvador.
``It would be in our best interests that Mr. Rodriguez confer with you personally prior to coming to El Salvador. I have some obvious concerns about this arrangement.... '' Felix Rodriguez flew to Panama to speak to General Gorman. They discussed his covert aid to the Contras ``since the early eighties.''@s2@s2 Rodriguez, by George Bush's story the private, volunteer helper of the Contras, flew from Panama to El Salvador on General Gorman's personal C-12 airplane. General Gorman also sent a confidential cable to Ambassador Pickering and Col. James Steele, U.S. military liaison man with the Contra resupply operation in El Salvador: ``I have just met here with Felix Rodriguez, [deleted, probably ``CIA''] pensioner from Miami. Born in Cuba, a veteran of guerrilla operations [several lines deleted].... ``He is operating as a private citizen, but his acquaintanceship with the V[ice] P[resident] is real enough, going back to the latter's days as D[irector of] C[entral] I[ntelligence]. ``Rodriguez' primary commitment to the region is in [deleted] where he wants to assist the FDN [Contras military forces]. I told him that the FDN deserved his priority.... He will want to fly with the E[l] S[alvador] A[ir] F[orce] to establish his credibility, but that ... seems to me both unnecessary and unwise....''@s2@s3
    February 7, 1985:

The Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG), subordinate to Chairman Bush of the Special Situation Group (SSG), met to discuss means to circumvent the Boland amendment's ban on aid to the Contras. They agreed on a `` Presidential letter '' to be sent to President Suazo of Honduras, ``to provide several enticements to Honduras in exchange for its continued support of the Nicaraguan Resistance. These enticements included expedited delivery of military supplies ordered by Honduras, a phased release of withheld economic assistance (ESF) funds, and other support.'' The preceding was the admission of the United States government in the 1989 Oliver North trial--number 51 in a series of ``stipulations'' that was given to the court to avoid having to release classified documents.
    February 12, 1985:

The government admissions in the North trial continued:

      `` ... North proposed that McFarlane send a memo [to top officials on] the recommendation of the CPPG [the Bush-supervised body, often chaired by Bush adviser Don Gregg].... The memo stated that this part of the message [to the Honduran president] should not be contained in a written document but should be delivered verbally by a discreet emissary. '' [This was to be George Bush himself-- see March 16, 1985.] Honduras would be given increased aid, to be diverted to the Contras, so as to deceive Congress and the American population.@s2@s4

    February 15, 1985 (Friday):

After Rodriguez had arrived in El Salvador and had begun setting up the central resupply depot for the Contras--at Ilopango Airbase-- Ambassador Thomas Pickering sent an `` Eyes Only '' cable to the State Department on his conversation with Rodriguez. Pickering's cable bore the postscript, `` Please brief Don Gregg in the V.P.'s office for me. ''@s2@s5
    February 19, 1985 (Tuesday):

Felix Rodriguez met with Bush's staff in the vice-presidential offices in the Executive Office Building, briefing them on the progress of his mission.

Over the next two years, Rodriguez met frequently with Bush staff members in Washington and in Central America, often jointly with CIA and other officials, and conferred with Bush's staff by telephone countless times.@s2@s6
    March 15-16, 1985 (Friday and Saturday):

George Bush and Felix Rodriguez were in Central America on their common project.

On Friday, Rodriguez supervised delivery in Honduras of military supplies for the FDN Contras whose main base was there in Honduras.

On Saturday, George Bush met with Honduran President Roberto Suazo Cordova. Bush told Suazo that the Reagan-Bush administration was expediting delivery of more than $110 million in economic and military aid to Suazo's government. This was the `` quid pro quo '': a bribe for Suazo's support for the U.S. mercenary force, and a transfer through Honduras of the Contra military supplies, which had been directly prohibited by the Congress.
Government as Counterterror
    June 14, 1985:

`` Shiite Muslim terrorists '' hijacked an Athens-to-Rome airliner. One American was killed, 39 Americans were held hostage and released June 30.
    July 1985:

Vice President George Bush was designated by President Reagan to lead the Task Force on Combatting Terrorism (or Terrorism Task Force). Bush's task force was a means to sharply concentrate the powers of government into the hands of the Bush clique, for such policies as the Iran-Contra armaments schemes. The Terrorism Task Force had the following cast of characters:

    GEORGE BUSH, U.S. Vice President: CHAIRMAN

    Admiral James L. Holloway III: Executive assistant to Chairman Bush

    Craig Coy: Bush's deputy assistant under Holloway

    Vice Admiral John Poindexter:Senior NSC representative to Chairman Bush

    Marine Corps Lt. Col. Oliver North: Day-to- day NSC representative to George Bush

    Amiram Nir: Counterterror adviser to Israeli Premier Shimon Peres

    Lt. Col. Robert Earl: Staff member

    Terry Arnold: Principal consultant

    Charles E. Allen, CIA officer: Senior Review Group

    Robert Oakley, Director, State Dept. Counter Terrorism Office: Senior Review Group

    Noel Koch, Deputy to Asst. Secretary of Defense Richard Armitage: Senior Review Group

    Lt. Gen. John Moellering, Joint Chiefs of Staff: Senior Review Group

    Oliver `` Buck '' Revell, FBI executive: Senior Review Group

This was the first known official contact of the Israeli Nir with the U.S. government in the Iran-Contra affair. In the future, Nir would serve as the main Israeli agent in the covert arms-for- hostages negotiations with Iran, alongside such other well-known U.S. participants as Oliver North and Robert McFarlane. The Terrorism Task Force organization, as we shall see, was a permanent affair.@s2@s7
    August 8, 1985:

George Bush met with the National Security Planning Group in the residence section of the White House. Spurring on their deliberations on the terrorism problem, a car bomb had blown up that day at a U.S. air base in Germany, with 22 American casualties.

The officials discussed shipment of U.S.-made arms to Iran through Israel--to replenish Israeli stocks of TOW missiles and to permit Israel to sell arms to Iran.

According to testimony by Robert McFarlane, the transfer was supported by George Bush, Casey and Donald Regan, and opposed by Shultz and Weinberger.@s2@s8
    August 18, 1985:

Luis Posada Carriles escaped from prison in Venezuela, where he was being held for the terrorist murder of 73 persons. Using forged documents falsely identifying him as a Venezuelan named `` Ramon Medina, '' Posada flew to Central America. Within a few weeks, Felix Rodriguez assigned him to supervise the Bush office's Contra resupply operations being run from the El Salvador air base. Posada personally ran the safe-houses used for the CIA flight crews. Rodriguez explained the arrangement in his book: `` Because of my relationship with [El Salvador Air Force] Gen. Bustillo, I was able to pave the way for [the operations attributed to Oliver] North to use the facilities at Ilopango [El Salvador air force base].... I found someone to manage the Salvadorian-based resupply operation on a day-to-day basis. They knew that person as Ramon Medina. I knew him by his real name: Luis Posada Carriles.... I first [sic!] met Posada in 1963 at Fort Benning, Georgia, where we went through basic training together ... as U.S. Army second lieutenants.... '' Rodriguez neglects to explain that agent Posada Carilles was originally recruited and trained by the same CIA murder operation, `` JM/WAVE '' in Miami, as was Rodriguez himself. Felix continues: `` In the sixties, he reportedly went to work for DISIP, the Venezuelan intelligence service, and rose to considerable power within its ranks. It was rumored that he held one of the top half- dozen jobs in the organization.... After the midair bombing of a Cubana airliner on October 6, 1976, in which seventy-three people were killed, Posada was charged with planning the attack and was thrown in prison.... Posada was confined in prison for more than nine years.... ''@s2@s9
    September 10, 1985:

George Bush's national security adviser, Donald Gregg, met at 4:30 P.M. with Oliver North and Col. James Steele, the U.S. military official in El Salvador who oversaw flights of cargo going to the Contras from various points in Central America. They discussed information given to one or more of them by arms dealer Mario DelAmico, supplier to the Contras. According to the entry in Oliver North's notebook, they discussed particularities of the supply flights, and the operations of FDN commander Enrique Bermudez.

Elsewhere in the diary pages for that day, Colonel North noted that DelAmico had procured a certain 1,000 munitions items for the Contras.@s3@s0
    November 1985 (ca. American Thanksgiving Day):

George Bush sent Oliver North a note, with thanks for `` your dedication and tireless work with the hostage thing and with Central America. ''@s3@s1
    December 1985:

Congress passed new laws limiting U.S. aid to the Contras. The CIA, the Defense Department, and `` any other agency or entity of the United States involved in intelligence activities '' were prohibited from providing armaments to the Contras. The CIA was permitted to provide communications equipment and training. `` Humanitarian '' aid was allowed. These laws, known together as `` Boland III, '' were in effect from December 4, 1985 to October 17, 1986.
    December 18, 1985:

CIA official Charles E. Allen, a member of George Bush's Terrorism Task Force, wrote an update on the arms-for-hostages dealings with Iran. Allen's memo was a debriefing of an unnamed member of the group of U.S. government officials participating in the arms negotiations with the Iranians. The unnamed U.S. official (from the context, probably NSC terrorism consultant Michael Ledeen) is referred to in Allen's memo as `` Subject ''. Allen wrote: `` [Speaker of the Iranian Parliament Hashemi] Rafsanjani ... believes Vice President George Bush is orchestrating the U.S. initiative with Iran. In fact, according to Subject, Rafsanjani believes that Bush is the most powerful man in the U.S. because in addition to being Vice President, he was once Director of CIA. ''@s3@s2
    December 1985-January 1986:

George Bush completed his official study of terrorism in December 1985. John Poindexter now directed Oliver North to go back to work with Amiram Nir. Amiram Nir came to Washington and met with Oliver North. He told U.S. officials that the Iranians had promised to free all hostages in exchange for more arms. Reportedly after this Nir visit, in an atmosphere of constant terrorism and rumors of terrorism, President Reagan was persuaded of the necessity of revving up the arms shipments to Iran.@s3@s3
    December 27, 1985:

Terrorists bombed Rome and Vienna airports, killing 20 people, including five Americans. The Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG), supervised by Bush's office and reporting to Bush, blamed Libyans for the attack and began planning for a military strike on Libya. Yet an unpublished CIA analysis and the Israelis both acknowledged that the Abu Nidal group (in effect, the Israeli Mossad agency) carried out the attacks.@s3@s4

Bush's CPPG later organized the U.S. bombing of Libya, which occurred in mid-April 1986.
    December 31, 1985 (Tuesday):

Iranian arms dealer Cyrus Hashemi told Paris-based CIA agent Bernard Veillot that Vice President Bush was backing arms sales to Iran, and that official U.S. approval for private sales to Iran, amounting to $2 billion, was `` going to be signed by Mr. Bush and [U.S. Marine Corps commandant] Gen. [Paul X.] Kelley on Friday. ''@s3@s5

Loudly and publicly exposed in the midst of Iran arms deals, Veillot was indicted by the U.S. Then the charges were quietly dropped, and Veillot went underground. A few months later Hashemi died suddenly of `` leukemia. ''@s3@s6
    January 2, 1986 (Thursday):

Israeli counterterrorism chief Amiram Nir met with North and Poindexter in Washington. The Bush report on terrorism had now been issued within the government but was not yet published. Bush's report was urging that a counterterrorism coordinator be named for the entire U.S. government--and Oliver North was the one man intended for that slot.

At this meeting, Nir proposed specifically that prisoners held by Israeli-controlled Lebanese, and 3,000 American TOW missiles, be exchanged for U.S. hostages held by Iran. Other discussions between Nir and Bush's nominee involved the supposedly new idea that the Iranians be overcharged for the weapons shipped to them, and the surplus funds be diverted to the Contras.@s3@s7
    January 6, 1986 (Monday):

President Reagan met with George Bush, Donald Regan, McFarlane and Poindexter. The President was handed a draft `` Presidential Finding '' that called for shipping arms to Iran through Israel. The President signed this document, drafted following the discussions with Amiram Nir. The draft consciously violated the National Security Act which had established the Central Intelligence Agency, requiring notification of Congress. But Bush joined in urging President Reagan to sign this `` finding '': `` I hereby find that the following operation in a foreign country ... is important to the national security of the United States, and due to its extreme sensitivity and security risks, I determine it is essential to limit prior notice, and direct the Director of Central Intelligence to refrain from reporting this finding to the Congress as provided in Section 501 of the National Security Act of 1947, as amended, until I otherwise direct '' [emphasis added]. `` ... The USG[overnment] will act to facilitate efforts by third parties and third countries to establish contacts with moderate elements within and outside the Government of Iran by providing these elements with arms, equipment and related materiel in order to enhance the credibility of these elements.... '' Of course, Bush, Casey and their Israeli allies had never sought to bolster `` moderate elements '' in Iran, but overthrew them at every opportunity--beginning with President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr.@s3@s8
    January 7, 1986:

President Reagan and Vice President Bush met at the White House with several other administration officials. There was an argument over new proposals by Amiram Nir and Iranian arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar to swap arms for hostages.

Secretary of State George Shultz later told the Tower Commission that George Bush supported the arms-for-hostages deal at this meeting, as did President Reagan, Casey, Meese, Regan and Poindexter. Shultz reported that he himself and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger both opposed further arms shipments.@s3@s9
    January 9, 1986:

Lt. Col. Oliver North complained, in his notebook, that `` Felix [Rodriguez] '' has been `` talking too much about the V[ice] P[resident] connection. ''@s4@s0
    January 15, 1986:

CIA and Mossad employee Richard Brenneke wrote a letter to Vice President Bush giving full details, alerting Bush about his own work on behalf of the CIA in illegal--but U.S. government-sanctioned-- sales of arms to Iran.@s4@s1
    Mid-January, 1986:

George Bush and Oliver North worked together on the illegal plan.

Later, at North's trial, the Bush administration--portraying Colonel North as the master strategist in the case!--stipulated that North `` prepared talking points for a meeting between Admiral Poindexter, Vice-President Bush, and [the new] Honduran President [Jose Simon] Azcona. North recommended that Admiral Poindexter and Vice-President Bush tell President Azcona of the need for Honduras to work with the U.S. government on increasing regional involvement with and support for the Resistance. Poindexter and Bush were also to raise the subject of better U.S. government support for the states bordering Nicaragua. '' That is, Honduras, which of course `` borders on Nicaragua, '' was to get more U.S. aid and was to pass some of it through to the Contras. In preparation for the January 1986 Bush-Azcona meeting, the U.S. State Department sent to Bush adviser Donald Gregg a memorandum, which `` alerted Gregg that Azcona would insist on receiving clear economic and social benefits from its [Honduras's] cooperation with the United States. ''@s4@s2 Two months after the January Bush-Azcona meeting, President Reagan asked Congress for $20 million in emergency aid to Honduras, needed to repel a cross-border raid by Nicaraguan forces against Contra camps. Congress voted the `` emergency '' expenditure.
    January 17, 1986:

George Bush met with President Reagan, John Poindexter, Donald Regan, and NSC staff member Donald Fortier to review the final version of the January 7 arms-to-Iran draft. With the encouragement of Bush, and the absence of opponents to the scheme, President Reagan signed the authorization to arm the Khomeini regime with missiles, and keep the facts of this scheme from congressional oversight committees. This was the reality of the Bush `` counterstrategy '' to terrorism, for whose implementation his Terrorism Task Force was just then creating the covert mechanism. The official story about this meeting--given in the Tower Commission Report--is as follows: `` [T]he proposal to shift to direct U.S. arms sales to Iran ... was considered by the president at a meeting on January 17 which only the Vice President, Mr. Regan, Mr. Fortier, and VADM Poindexter attended. Thereafter, the only senior-level review the Iran initiative received was during one or another of the President's daily national security briefings. These were routinely attended only by the President, the Vice President, Mr. Regan, and VADM Poindexter. There was no subsequent collective consideration of the Iran initiative by the NSC principals before it became public 11 months later....
Because of the obsession with secrecy, interagency consideration of the initiative was limited to the cabinet level. With the exception of the NSC staff and, after January 17, 1986, a handful of CIA officials, the rest of the executive departments and agencies were largely excluded.
``The National Security Act also requires notification of Congress of covert intelligence activities. If not done in advance, notification must be `in timely fashion.' The Presidential Finding of January 17 directed that congressional notification be withheld, and this decision appears to have never been reconsidered. ''@s4@s3
    January 18, 1986:

Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger was directed to prepare the transfer of 4,000 TOW anti-tank missiles to the CIA, which was to ship them to Khomeini's Iran. Bypassing normal channels for covert shipments, he elected to have his senior military assistant, Lt. Gen. Colin L. Powell, handle the arrangements for the arms transfer.@s4@s4
    January 19-21, 1986:

George Bush's deputy national security aide, Col. Samuel Watson, worked with Felix Rodriguez in El Salvador, and met with Col. James Steele, the U.S. military liaison officer with the covert Contra resupply organization in El Salvador.@s4@s5

Bush Sets Up North as Counterterrorism Boss--and `` Fall Guy''
    January 20, 1986:

Following the recommendations of an as yet unofficial report of the George Bush Terrorism Task Force, President Reagan signed National Security Decision Directive (NSDD) 207.

The unofficial Bush report, the official Bush report released in February, and the Bush-organized NSDD 207, together put forward Oliver North as `` Mr. Iran-Contra. '' North became the nominal, up- front coordinator of the administration's counterterrorism program, hiding as best he could Bush's hand in these matters. He was given a secret office and staff (the Office to Combat Terrorism), separate from regular NSC staff members. George Bush now reassigned his Terrorism Task Force employees, Craig Coy and Robert Earl, to do the daily work of the North secret office. The Bush men spent the next year working on Iran arms sales: Earl devoted one-quarter to one- half of his time on Iran and Contra support operations; Coy ``knew everything'' about Project Democracy. North traveled much of the time. Earl and Coy were at this time officially attached to the Crisis Management Center, which North worked on in 1983.@s4@s6 FBI Assistant Director Revell, often George Bush's ``hit man'' against Bush's domestic opponents, partially disclosed this shell game in a letter to Sen. David Boren (D-Ok.), explaining the FBI's contacts with North:

      At the time [April 1986], North was the NSC official charged by the President with the coordination of our national counterterrorist program. He was responsible for working closely with designated lead agencies and was responsible for participating in all interagency groups, maintaining the national programming documents, assisting in the coordination of research and development in relation to counterterrorism, facilitating the development of response options and overseeing the implementation of the Vice President's Terrorism Task Force recommendations. This description of Col. North's position is set forth in the public report of the Vice President's Task Force on Combatting Terrorism, February 1986. There is an even more detailed and comprehensive description of Col. North's position in the classified National Security Decision Directive #207 issued by the President on January 20, 1986. @s4@s7

The Bush Terrorism Task Force, having completed its official work, had simply made itself into a renamed, permanent, covert agency. Its new name was Operations Sub-Group (OSG). In this transformation, CIA Contra-handler Duane Clarridge had been added to the Task Force to form the ``OSG,'' which included North, Poindexter, Charles Allen, Robert Oakley, Noel Koch, General Moellering and ``Buck'' Revell. According to the Oliver North diaries, even before this final phase of the Bush-North apparatus there were at least 14 meetings between North and the Bush Task Force's senior members Holloway, Oakley and Allen, its principal consultant Terry Arnold, and its staff men Robert Earl and Craig Coy. The North diaries from July 1985 through January 1986, show one meeting with President Reagan, and four meetings with Vice President Bush: either the two alone, North with Bush and Amiram Nir, or North with Bush and Donald Gregg. The Bush counterterrorism apparatus had its own communications channels, and a global antiterrorist computer network called Flashboard outside of all constitutional government arrangements. Those opposed to the arming of terrorists, including cabinet members, had no access to these communications.@s4@s8 This apparatus had responsibility for Iran arms sales; the private funding of the Contras, from contributions, theft, dope-running; the ``public diplomacy'' of Project Democracy to back these efforts; and counterintelligence against other government agencies and against domestic opponents of the policy.@s4@s9
    January 28, 1986:

George Bush met with Oliver North and FDN Contra Political Director Adolfo Calero in the Old Executive Office Building.@s5@s0 North and Calero would work together to protect George Bush when the Contra supply effort blew apart in October 1986.
    January 31, 1986:

Iranian arms dealer Cyrus Hashemi was told by a French arms agent that `` [a]n assistant of the vice president's going to be in Germany ... and the indication is very clear that the transaction can go forward '' referring to George Bush's supposed approval of the private arms sale to Iran.@s5@s1
    February 6, 1986:

Responding to the January 15 letter from Richard Brenneke, Bush aide Lt. Col. E. Douglas Menarczik wrote to Brenneke: `` The U.S. government will not permit or participate in the provision of war materiel to Iran and will prosecute any such efforts by U.S. citizens to the fullest extent of the law. 1''@s5@s2
    February 7, 1986: Samuel M. Evans, a representative of Saudi and Israeli arms dealers, told Cyrus Hashemi that `` [t]he green light now finally has been given [for the private sale of arms to Iran], that Bush is in favor, Shultz against, but nevertheless they are willing to proceed. ''@s5@s3
    February 25, 1986:

Richard Brenneke wrote again to Bush's office, to Lt. Col. Menarczik, documenting a secret project for U.S. arms sales to Iran going on since 1984.

Brenneke later said publicly that early in 1986, he called Menarczik to warn that he had learned that the U.S. planned to buy weapons for the Contras with money from Iran arms sales. Menarczik reportedly said, `` We will look into it. '' Menarczik claimed not to have `` any specific recollection of telephone conversations with '' Brenneke.@s5@s4
    Late February, 1986:

Vice President George Bush issued the public report of his Terrorism Task Force. In his introduction to the report, Bush asserted: `` Our Task Force was briefed by more than 25 government agencies ... traveled to embassies and military commands throughout the world.... Our conclusion: ... We firmly oppose terrorism in all forms and wherever it takes place.... We will make no concessions to terrorists. ''@s5@s5
    March 1986:

According to a sworn statement of pilot Michael Tolliver, Felix Rodriguez had met him in July 1985. Now Rodriguez instructed Tolliver to go to Miami International Airport. Tolliver picked up a DC-6 aircraft and a crew, and flew the plane to a Contra base in Honduras. There Tolliver watched the unloading of 14 tons of military supplies, and the loading of 12 and 2/3 tons of marijuana. Following his instructions from Rodriguez, Tolliver flew the dope to Homestead Air Force Base i
"Heirs to self-knowledge shed gently their fears..."

Elias Alias

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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #354 on: June 29, 2005, 09:27:28 am »

Heh! Text box wouldn't hold the whole chapter. Continuing on....


Tolliver says that another of the flights he performed for Rodriguez carried cocaine on the return trip to the U.S.A. He made a series of arms deliveries from Miami into the air base at Agucate, Honduras. He was paid in cash by Rodriguez and his old Miami CIA colleague, Rafael `` Chi Chi '' Quintero. In another circuit of flights, Tolliver and his crew flew between Miami and El Salvador's Ilopango air base. Tolliver said that Rodriguez and Quintero `` instructed me where to go and who to see. '' While making these flights, he `` could go by any route available without any interference from any agency. We didn't need a stamp of approval from Customs or anybody.... ''@s5@s7 With reference to the covert arms shipments out of Miami, George Bush's son Jeb said: `` Sure, there's a pretty good chance that arms were shipped, but does that break any law? I'm not sure it's illegal. The Neutrality Act is a completely untested notion, established in the 1800s. ''@s5@s8
Smuggling Missiles and Reporting to the Boss

Trafficking in lethal weapons without government authorization is always a tricky business for covert operators. But when the operatives are smuggling weapons in a particular traffic which the U.S. Congress has expressly prohibited, a good deal of criminal expertise and certain crucial contacts are required for success. And when the smugglers report to the Vice President, who wishes his role to remain concealed, the whole thing can become very sticky--or even ludicrous to the point of low comedy.
    March 26, 1986:

Oliver North sent a message to Robert McFarlane about his efforts to procure missiles for the Contras, and to circumvent many U.S. laws, as well as the customs services and police forces of several nations. The most important component of such transactions, aside from the purchase money, was a falsified document showing the supposed recipient of the arms, the end-user certificate (EUC). In the message he wrote, North said that `` we have '' an EUC; that is, a false document has been acquired for this arms sale: `` [W]e are trying to find a way to get 10 BLOWPIPE launchers and 20 missiles from [a South American country] ... thru the Short Bros. Rep.... Short Bros., the mfgr. of the BLOWPIPE, is willing to arrange the deal, conduct the training and even send U.K. `tech. reps' ... if we can close the arrangement. Dick Secord has already paid 10% down on the delivery and we have a [country deleted] EUC which is acceptable to [that South American country]. ''@s5@s9 Now, since this particular illegal sale somehow came to light in the Iran-Contra scandal, another participant in this one deal decided not to bother hiding his own part in it. Thus, we are able to see how Colonel North got his false certificate.
    April 20, 1986:

Felix Rodriguez met in San Salvador with Oliver North and Enrique Bermudez, the Contras' military commander. Rodriguez informs us of the following in his own, ghost-written book:

`` Shortly before that April 20 meeting, Rafael Quintero had asked me to impose upon my good relations with the Salvadoran military to obtain `end-user' certificates made out to Lake Resources, which he told me was a Chilean company.... ''@s6@s0
The plan was to acquire false end-user certificates from his contacts in the Salvadoran armed forces for Blowpipe ground-to-air missiles supposedly being shipped into El Salvador. The missiles would then be illegally diverted to the Contras in Honduras and Nicaragua. Rodriguez continues, with self-puffery: `` The Salvadorans complied with my request, and in turn I supplied the certificates, handing them over personally to Richard Secord at that April 20 meeting. ''@s6@s1 While arranging the forgery for the munitions sale, Rodriguez was in touch with the George Bush staff back in his home office. On April 16, four days before the Rodriguez-North missile meeting, Bush national security adviser Donald Gregg asked his staff to put a meeting with Rodriguez on George Bush's calendar. Gregg said the purpose of the White House meeting would be `` to brief the Vice President on the war in El Salvador and resupply of the Contras. '' The meeting was arranged for 11:30 A.M. on May 1.@s6@s2 Due its explicitly stated purpose-- clandestine weapons trafficking in an undeclared war against the rigid congressional prohibition--the planned meeting was to become one of the most notorious of the Iran-Contra scandal.
    April 30, 1986 (Wednesday):

Felix Rodriguez met in Washington with Bush aide Col. Sam Watson.

The following reminder message was sent to George Bush:

Briefing Memorandum for the Vice President
Event: Meeting with Felix Rodriguez
Date: Thursday, May 1, 1986
Time: 11:30-11:45 a.m.--West Wing

From: Don Gregg


Felix Rodriguez, a counterinsurgency expert who is visiting from El Salvador, will provide a briefing on the status of the war in El Salvador and resupply of the Contras.

The Vice President Felix Rodriguez
Craig Fuller
Don Gregg
Sam Watson


Staff photographer. [i.e. internal-use photographs, no media coverage]@s6@s3

    May 1, 1986:

Vice President Bush and his staff met in the White House with Felix Rodriguez, Oliver North, financier Nicholas Brady, and the new U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, Edwin Corr.

At this meeting it was decided that `` private citizen '' Felix Rodriguez would continue his work in Central America.@s6@s4
    May 16, 1986:

George Bush met with President Reagan, and with cabinet members and other officials in the full National Security Planning Group. They discussed the urgent need to raise more money for the Contras to continue the anti-Sandinista war.

The participants decided to seek support for the Contras from nations (`` third countries '') which were not directly involved in the Central American conflict. As a result of this initiative, George Bush's former business partners, the Sultan of Brunei, donated $10 million to the Contras. But after being deposited in secret Swiss bank accounts, the money was `` lost. ''@s6@s5
    May 20, 1986:

George Bush met with Felix Rodriguez and El Salvador Air Force commander Gen. Juan Rafael Bustillo at a large reception in Miami on Cuban independence day.@s6@s6
    May 29, 1986:

George Bush, President Reagan, Donald Regan and John Poindexter met to hear from McFarlane and North on their latest arms-for- hostages negotiations with Iranian officials and Amiram Nir in Teheran, Iran. The two reported their arrangement with the Khomeini regime to establish a secure covert communications network between the two `` enemy '' governments.@s6@s7
    July 10, 1986:

Eugene Hasenfus, whose successful parachute landing would explode the Iran-Contra scandal into world headlines three months later, flew from Miami to El Salvador. He had just been hired to work for `` Southern Air Transport, '' a CIA front company for which Hasenfus worked previously in the Indochina War. Within a few days he was introduced to `` Max Gomez ''--the pseudonym of Felix Rodriguez--as `` one of the Cuban coordinators of the company. '' Rodriguez (`` Gomez '') took him to the Ilopango air base security office where he and others hired with him were given identity cards. He now began work as a cargo handler on flights carrying military supplies to Contra soldiers inside Nicaragua.@s6@s8
    July 29, 1986:

George Bush met in Jerusalem with Terrorism Task Force member Amiram Nir, the manager of Israel's participation in the arms-for hostages schemes. Bush did not want this meeting known about. The Vice President told his chief of staff, Craig Fuller, to send his notes of the meeting only to Oliver North--not to President Reagan, or to anyone else.

Craig Fuller's memorandum said, in part:

      1. SUMMARY. Mr. Nir indicated that he had briefed Prime Minister Peres and had been asked to brief the V[ice] P[resident] by his White House contacts. He described the details of the efforts from last year through the current period to gain the release of the U.S. hostages. He reviewed what had been learned which was essentially that the radical group was the group that could deliver. He reviewed the issues to be considered--namely that there needed to be ad [sic] decision as to whether the items requested would be delivered in separate shipments or whether we would continue to press for the release of the hostages prior to delivering the items in an amount agreed to previously.

      2. The VP's 25 minute meeting was arranged after Mr. Nir called Craig Fuller and requested the meeting and after it was discussed with the VP by Fuller and North....

      14. Nir described some of the lessons learned: `We are dealing with the most radical elements.... They can deliver ... that's for sure.... [W]e've learned they can deliver and the moderates can't....@s6@s9

    July 30, 1986:

The day after his Jerusalem summit with Amiram Nir, Vice President Bush conferred with Oliver North. This meeting with North was never acknowledged by Bush until the North diaries were released in May 1990.
    Early September, 1986:

Retired Army Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub sent a memo to Oliver North on the Contra resupply effort under Felix Rodriguez. Singlaub warned North that Rodriguez was boasting about having `` daily contact '' with George Bush's office. According to Singlaub, this could `` damage President Reagan and the Republican Party. ''@s7@s0

The Scandal Breaks--On George Bush
    October 5, 1986:

A C-123k cargo aircraft left El Salvador's Ilopango air base at 9:30 A.M., carrying `` 10,000 pounds of small arms and ammunition, consisting mainly of AK rifles and AK ammunition, hand grenades, jungle boots. '' It was scheduled to make air drops to Contra soldiers in Nicaragua.@s7@s1 The flight had been organized by elements of the CIA, the Defense Department, and the National Security Council, coordinated by the Office of Vice President George Bush. At that time, such arms resupply was prohibited under U.S. law--prohibited by legislation which had been written to prevent precisely that type of flight. The aircraft headed south along the Pacific coast of Nicaragua, turned east over Costa Rica, then headed up north into Nicaraguan air space. As it descended toward the point at which it was to drop the cargo, the plane was hit in the right engine and wing by a ground-to-air missile. The wing burst into flames and broke up. Cargo handler Eugene Hasenfus jumped out the left cargo door and opened his parachute. The other three crew members died in the crash.@s7@s2 Meanwhile, Felix Rodriguez made a single telephone call--to the office of Vice President George Bush. He told Bush aide Samuel Watson that the C-123k aircraft was missing and was possibly down.
    October 6, 1986:

Eugene Hasenfus, armed only with a pistol, took refuge in a small hut on a jungle hilltop inside Nicaragua. He was soon surrounded by Sandinista soldiers and gave himself up.@s7@s3

Felix Rodriguez called George Bush's aide Sam Watson again. Watson now notified the White House Situation Room and the National Security Council staff about the missing aircraft.

Oliver North was immediately dispatched to El Salvador to prevent publicity over the event, and to arrange death benefits for the crew.@s7@s4

After the shoot-down, several elaborate attempts were made by government agencies to provide false explanations for the origin of the aircraft.

A later press account, appearing on May 15, 1989, after Bush was safely installed as President, exposed one such attempted coverup:

      Official: Contras Lied to Protect VP Bush
      By Alfonso Chardy, Knight-Ridder Newspapers

      WASHINGTON-- Nicaraguan rebels falsely assumed responsibility for an arms-laden plane downed over Nicaragua in 1986 in an effort to shield then-Vice President George Bush from the controversy that soon blossomed into the Iran-Contra scandal, a senior Contra official said in early May 1989. According to the Contra official, who requested anonymity but has direct knowledge of the events, a Contra spokesman, Bosco Matamoros [official FDN representative in Washington, D.C.], was ordered by [FDN Political Director] Adolfo Calero to claim ownership of the downed aircraft, even though the plane belonged to Oliver North's secret Contra supply network.... Calero called (Matamoros) and said, `` Take responsibility for the Hasenfus plane because we need to take the heat off the vice president, '' the Contra source said.... The senior Contra official said that shortly after Calero talked to Matamoros, Matamoros called a reporter for the New York Times and `` leaked '' the bogus claim of responsibility. The Times ran a story about the claim on its front page.@s7@s5

    October 7, 1986:

Rep. Henry B. Gonzalez (D-Tx.) called for a congressional investigation of the Nicaraguan air crash, and the crash of a Southern Air Transport plane in Texas, to see if they were part of a covert CIA operation to overthrow the Nicaraguan government.
    October 9, 1986:

At a news conference in Nicaragua, captured U.S. crew member Eugene Hasenfus exposed Felix Rodriguez, alias `` Max Gomez, '' as the head of an international supply system for the Contras. The explosive, public phase of the Iran-Contra scandal had begun.
    October 11, 1986:

The Washington Post ran two headlines side-by-side: `` Captured American Flyer to be Tried in Nicaragua '' and `` Bush is Linked to Head of Contra Aid Network. '' The Post reported:

      Gomez has said that he met with Bush twice and has been operating in Nicaragua with the Vice President's knowledge and approval, the sources said....
      Asked about these matters, a spokesman for Bush, Marlin Fitzwater, said: `` Neither the vice president nor anyone on his staff is directing or coordinating an operation in Central America. '' ...
      The San Francisco Examiner, which earlier this week linked [Bush adviser Donald] Gregg to Gomez, reported that Gomez maintains daily contact with Bush's office....
      [M]embers of Congress said yesterday they wanted to investigate the administration's conduct further. And ... several said that their focus had shifted from the CIA to the White House....
      [T]he Sunday crash will be among events covered by a [Senate] Foreign Relations Committee probe into allegations that the contras may have been involved in drug-running and abuse of U.S. aid funds, [Senator Richard G.] Lugar said....
      The Customs Service said yesterday it is investigating whether the downed plane may have carried guns out of Miami, which would violate federal restrictions on arms exports and other laws, including the Neutrality Act, which bars U.S. citizens from working to overthrow governments not at war with the United States....
      Hasenfus told reporters in Nicaragua the plane had flown out of Miami.@s7@s6

George Bush's career was now on the line. News media throughout the world broke the story of the Hasenfus capture, and of the crewman's fingering of Bush and his underlings Rodriguez and Posada Carriles. Bush was now besieged by inquiries from around the world, as to how and why he was directing the gun-running into Latin America. Speaking in Charleston, South Carolina, George Bush described Max Gomez/Rodriguez as `` a patriot. '' The Vice President denied that he himself was directing the illegal operations to supply the Contras: `` To say I'm running the operation ... it's absolutely untrue. '' Bush said of Rodriguez: `` I know what he was doing in El Salvador, and I strongly support it, as does the president of El Salvador, Mr. Napoleon Duarte, and as does the chief of the armed forces in El Salvador, because this man, an expert in counterinsurgency, was down there helping them put down a communist- led revolution [i.e. in El Salvador, not Nicaragua]. ''@s7@s7

Two days later, Gen. Adolfo Blando@aan, armed forces chief of staff in El Salvador, denied Bush's contention that Felix Rodriguez worked for his country's military forces: `` This intrigues me. It would have to be authorized [by our] joint chiefs of staff [and] the government. '' He said such authorization had not been given.@s7@s8
    October 12, 1986:

Eugene Hasenfus, the U.S. airman downed in Nicaragua, gave and signed an affidavit in which it was stated: `` About Max Gomez [Felix Rodriguez], Hasenfus says that he was the head Cuban coordinator for the company and that he works for the CIA and that he is a very close friend of the Vice-President of the United States, George Bush.... Max Gomez, after receiving his orders was the one who had to ... [say] where the air drops would be taking place.
About Ramon Medina [escaped airplane bomber Luis Posada Carriles], Hasenfus says that he was also a CIA agent and that he did the `small work' because Max Gomez was the `senior man.' He says that Ramon took care of the rent of the houses, the maids, the food, transportation and drivers, and also, coordination of the fuel for the aircraft, etc. '' [emphasis in the original].@s7@s9 His cover being blown, and knowing he was still wanted in Venezuela for blowing up an airliner and killing 73 persons, Posada Carriles now `` vanished '' and went underground.@s8@s0
    October 19, 1986:

Eugene Hasenfus, interviewed in Nicaragua by Mike Wallace on the CBS television program `` 60 Minutes, '' said that Vice President Bush was well aware of the covert arms supply operation. He felt the Reagan-Bush administration was `` backing this 100 percent. '' Wallace asked Hasenfus why he thought that Gomez/Rodriguez and the other managers of the covert arms resupply `` had the blessing of Vice President Bush. '' Hasenfus replied, `` They had his knowledge that he was working [on it] and what was happening, and whoever controlled this whole organization--which I do not know--Mr. Gomez, Mr. Bush, I believe a lot of these other people. They know how this is being run. I do not. ''@s8@s1
Iran-Contra Characters Fall In and Out
    November 3, 1986:

The Lebanese newspaper Al-Shiraa revealed that the U.S. government was secretly dealing arms to the Khomeini regime. This was three weeks after the Eugene Hasenfus expose@aa of George Bush made world headlines. Yet the Bush administration and its retainers have since decided that the Iran-Contra affair `` began '' with the Al-Shiraa story!
    November 22, 1986:

President Reagan sent a message, through Vice President George Bush, to Secretary of State George Shultz, along the lines of `` Support me or get off my team. ''@s8@s2
    December 18, 1986:

CIA Director William Casey, a close ally of George Bush who knew everything from the inside, was operated on for a `` brain tumor '' and lost the power of speech. That same day, associates of Vice President George Bush said that Bush believed White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan should resign, but claim Bush had not yet broached the issue with the President. Donald Regan said that he had no intention of quitting.@s8@s3
    February 2, 1987:

CIA Director William Casey resigned. He soon died, literally without ever talking.
    February 9, 1987:

Former National Security Director Robert McFarlane, a principal figure in the Reagan-Bush administration's covert operations, attempted suicide by taking an overdose of drugs. McFarlane survived.
    February 26, 1987 (Thursday):

The President's Special Review Board, commonly known as the Tower Commission, issued its report. The commission heavily blamed White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan for the `` chaos that descended upon the White House '' in the Iran-Contra affair. The Commission hardly mentioned Vice President George Bush except to praise him for his `` vigorous reaffirmation of U.S. opposition to terrorism in all forms ''! The afternoon the Tower Commission report came out, George Bush summoned Donald Regan to his office. Bush said the President wanted to know what his plans were about resigning. Donald Regan blasted the President: `` What's the matter--isn't he man enough to ask me that question? '' Bush expressed sympathy. Donald Regan said he would leave in four days.@s8@s4
    February 27, 1987 (Friday):

Cable News Network televised a leaked report that Donald Regan had already been replaced as White House chief of staff. After submitting a one-sentence letter of resignation, Donald Regan said, `` There's been a deliberate leak, and it's been done to humiliate me. ''@s8@s5
George Bush, when President, rewarded the commission's chairman, Texas Senator John Tower, by appointing him U.S. Secretary of Defense. Tower was asked by a reporter at the National Press Club, whether his nomination was a `` payoff '' for the `` clean bill of health '' he gave Bush. Tower responded that `` the commission was made up of three people, Brent Scowcroft and [Senator] Ed Muskie in addition to myself, that would be sort of impugning the integrity of Brent Scowcroft and Ed Muskie.... We found nothing to implicate the Vice President.... I wonder what kind of payoff they're going to get? ''@s8@s6 President Bush appointed Brent Scowcroft his chief national security adviser. But the Senate refused to confirm Tower. Tower then wrote a book and began to talk about the injustice done to him. He died April 5, 1991 in a plane crash.
    March 8, 1987:

In light of the Iran-Contra scandal, President Reagan called on George Bush to reconvene his Terrorism Task Force to evaluate the current program!
    June 2, 1987:

Bush summarized his findings in a press release: ``
  • ur current policy as articulated in the Task Force report is sound, effective, and fully in accord with our democratic principles, and national ideals of freedom. ''@s8@s7

    November 13, 1987:

The designated congressional committees filed their joint report on the Iran-Contra affair. Wyoming Representative Richard Cheney, the senior Republican member of the House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran, helped steer the joint committees to an impotent result. George Bush was totally exonerated, and was hardly mentioned.

George Bush, when President, rewarded Dick Cheney by appointing him U.S. Secretary of Defense, after the Senate refused to confirm John Tower.

The Mortification of the U.S. Congress
    January 20, 1989:

George Bush was inaugurated President of the United States.
    May 12, 1989:

President Bush's nomination of Donald Gregg to be U.S. ambassador to Korea was considered in hearings by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Gregg was now famous in Washington as Bush's day-to-day controller of the criminal gun-running into Central America. Before the Gregg hearings began, both Republican and Democratic Senators on the committee tried to get President Bush to withdraw the Gregg nomination. This was to save them the embarrassment of confirming Gregg, knowing they were too intimidated to stop him.

What follows are excerpts from the typed transcript of the Gregg hearings. The transcript has never been reproduced, it has not been printed, and it will not be published by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which is evidently embarrassed by its contents.@s8@s8

      Gregg: [As] his national security adviser [for] six and a half years ... I worked closely with the Vice President keeping him informed as best I could on matters of foreign policy, defense, and intelligence.... Travelling with the Vice President as I did ... [in] a great variety of missions to more than 65 countries.... [After Vietnam] I did not see [Felix Rodriguez] until the early eighties where he would drop into Washington sporadically ... we remained friends.... So, some of those contacts would have been [1979-1982] when I was at the White House at the NSC.

      Sen. Sarbanes: And Felix would come to see you there?

      Gregg: No, at my home.... [Then] he brought me in '83 the plan which I have already discussed with Senator Cranston.... [At that point] I was working for the Vice President ... [which I began in] August 1982.

      Sen. Sarbanes: In December of 1984 he came to see you with the idea of going to El Salvador. You ... cleared it with the Vice President?

      Gregg: ... I just said, `` My friend Felix, who was a remarkable former agency employee ... wants to go down and help with El Salvador. And I am going to introduce him to [State Department personnel] and see if he can sell himself to those men, '' and the Vice President said fine.

      Gregg: Felix went down there about the first of March [1985]. Before he went ... I introduced him to the Vice President ... and the Vice President was struck by his character and wished him well in El Salvador.

      Sen. Sarbanes: So before he went down, you undertook to introduce him to the Vice President.... Why did you do that?

      Gregg: Well, the Vice President had always spoken very highly and enthusiastically of his career [!], or his one-year as DCI [Director of Central Intelligence]. I had gone out with him to the agency just after I joined him in '82 and I saw the tremendous response he got there and he got quite choked up about it and as we drove back in the car he said, you know, that is the best job I have ever had before I became Vice President. So here it was, as I said probably the most extraordinary CIA comrade I had known, who was going down to help in a country that I knew that the Vice President was interested in.... The Vice President was interested in the progress of the Contras. There were two occasions on which he asked me, how are they doing and I, on one occasion went to a CIA officer who was knowledgeable and got a run-down on how they were doing from that and sent it to the Vice President and he sent it back with no comment. On another occasion, he asked me again, how are they doing, and I went--I drew a memo up, I think on the basis of a conversation with North. Again, he returned that with no comment. So he was interested in the Contras as an instrument of putting pressure on the Sandinistas. But what I said we had never discussed was the intricacies, or who was supplying what to whom....

      Sen. Simon: Let me read another section from Senator Cranston's statement. I believe the record suggests the following happened: After Boland II was signed in October 1984 [outlawing all U.S. aid to the Contras], you and certain others in the White House were encouraged to secure military aid for the Contras through unorthodox channels. Your career training in establishing secrecy and deniability for covert operations, your decades-old friendship for Felix Rodriguez, apparently led you to believe you could serve the national interest by sponsoring a freelance covert operation out of the Vice President's office. What is your response to that statement?

      Gregg: Well, I think it is a rather full-blown conspiracy theory. That was not what I was doing.... I was involved in helping the Vice President's task force on antiterrorist measures write their report. But normally I had no operational responsibilities....

      Sen. Simon: When did you first find out the law was being violated?

      Gregg: By the law, do you mean the Boland amendment?

      Sen. Simon: That is correct.

      Gregg: I guess my knowledge of that sort of came at me piecemeal after Hasenfus had been shot down [Oct. 5, 1986] and there were various revelations that came out....

      Sen. Simon: So what you are telling us, you found out about the law being violated the same time the rest of us found out the law was being violated?

      Gregg: Yes, sir....

      Sen. Cranston: From February 1985 to August 1986, you have acknowledged that you spoke to Rodriguez many, many times on the telephone. Let me quote from your sworn deposition to the Iran- Contra Committee: `` Felix called me quite often and frequently it was what I would call sort of combat catharsis. He used to do the same thing in Vietnam. He would come back from an operation in which some people had been lost and he would tell me about it. '' Now, is it still your testimony that Rodriguez never mentioned his deep involvement in Contra supply activities during any of these phone conversations?

      Gregg: That is my testimony.

      Sen. Cranston: Is it still your testimony that prior to Aug. 8th, 1986, Rodriguez never mentioned the status of his Contra resupply efforts during his numerous face-to-face meetings with you in Washington?

      Gregg: Never.

      Sen. Cranston: Is it still your testimony that Rodriguez did not mention the status of his Contra resupply efforts in the very meetings that were convened according to two memos bearing your name, for Rodriguez to `` brief the Vice President on the status of the war in El Salvador and efforts to resupply the Contras ''?

      Gregg: There was no intention to discuss resupply of the Contras and everyone at that meeting, including former Senator Nick Brady have testified that it was not discussed.

      Sen. Cranston: As you know, it is difficult to reconcile those statements about what happened in the meeting with the statement and memos from you that the agenda was ... two things, one of them being efforts to resupply the Contras....

      Gregg: Those memos first surfaced to my attention in December of 1986, when we undertook our first document search of the Vice President's office. They hit me rather hard because by that time I had put the pieces together of what had been going on and I realized the implications of that agenda item. I did not shred the documents. I did not hide it.... [T]his is the worst thing I have found and here it is, and I cannot really explain it.... I have a speculative explanation which I would like to put forward if you would be interested.

      Sen. Cranston: Fine.

      Gregg: Again, turning to Felix [Rodriguez]'s book ... Felix makes the following quote.... [By the way the book] is going to be published in October of this year. The text has been cleared by CIA and it is now with the publishers. I was given an advance copy.... This is the quote, sir: `` ... I had no qualms about calling [Sam Watson] or Don [Gregg] when I thought they could help run interference with the Pentagon to speed up deliveries of spare chopper parts. '' That means helicopters. `` I must have made many such calls during the spring of 1986. Without operating Hughes 500 helicopters it was impossible to carry out my strategy against the [El Salvadoran] insurgents.... '' [There are] then documented steps that Colonel Watson had taken with the Pentagon to try to get spare parts expedited for El Salvador.... So my construction is this, sir. I recall that in the meeting with the Vice President the question of spare parts for the helicopters in El Salvador was discussed and so that I think what the agenda item on the two memos is, is a garbled reference to something like resupply of the copters, instead of resupply of the Contras [emphasis added]. [At this point there was laughter and whistling in the hearing room. Afterwards, Gregg told reporters, `` I don't know how it went over, but it was the best I could do. '']

      Sen. Sarbanes: How did the scheduling proposal of April 16, 1986 and the briefing memorandum of April 30th take place?

      Gregg: They were prepared by my assistant, Mrs. Byrne, acting on advice from Colonel Watson. She signed my initials, but those are not my initials. I did not see the documents until December 1986, when I called them to the attention of the House Intelligence Committee.... And if, you know, if you do not--if my speculation does not hold up, I have to refer you to a memorandum that I turned over to the Iran-Contra Committee on the 14th of May 1987, which--

      Sen. Sarbanes: I am looking at that memorandum now.

      Gregg: Okay. That has been my explanation up until now.

      Sen. Sarbanes: But you are now providing a different explanation?

      Gregg: It is the only one--I have been thinking about these documents for over two years, and it is the only thing that I can come up with that would come close to explaining that agenda item--given the fact that there was no intention of discussing resupply to the Contras. That resupply of the Contras was not discussed, according to the testimony of everyone who was in the meeting....''

      Sen. Kerry: Douglas Minarczik is who?

      Gregg: He was one of my assistants in my office responsible for Mid-East and African affairs....

      Sen. Kerry: And he was working for you in 1985 and 1986, that period?

      Gregg: Yes.

      Sen. Kerry: Now, when I began first investigating allegations of the gun-running that was taking place out of Miami, one of the very first references that my staff, frankly, frequently heard, and I think you and I have talked about this, that Miami was buzzing with the notion that the Vice President's office was somehow involved in monitoring that, at least [emphasis added]. Now, Jesus Garcia was a Miami corrections official who got into trouble and wound up going to jail on weapons offenses. Through that connection, we came across telephone records. And those telephone records demonstrate calls from Garcia's house to Contra camps in Honduras, to John Hull in Costa Rica, and Douglas Minarczik in, not necessarily in your office, but directly to the White House. However, there is incontrovertible evidence that he had in his possession the name of Mr. Minarczik, a piece of paper in our possession, in Garcia's home in connection with monitoring those paramilitary operations, in August of 1985. Now, how do you account for the fact that Minarczik's--that the people involved with the Contra supply operations out of Miami ... had Minarczik's name and telephone number, and that there is a record of calls to the White House at that time?

      Gregg: I cannot account for it. Could it have anything to do with our old friend Mr. Brenicke [sic]? Because Brenicke did have Minarczik's phone number....

      Sen. Kerry: ... No. Totally separate.

      Gregg: This is all new. I do not have an explanation, sir....

      Sen. Kerry: Do you recall the downing of a Cuban airliner in [1976] in which 72 people lost their lives as a result; do you remember that?

      Gregg: Yes.

      Sen. Kerry: A terrorist bomb. And a Cuban-American named Luis Posada [Carriles] was arrested in Venezuela in connection with that. He then escaped in 1985 with assistance from Felix Rodriguez-- I do not know if this is going to be in the [Rodriguez] book or not...

      -Gregg: It is.

      Sen. Kerry: Okay, and he brought him to Central America to help the Contras under pseudonym of Ramon Medina, correct? Gregg: Now, I know that; yes.

      Sen. Kerry: ... [Is] it appropriate for a Felix Rodriguez to help a man indicted in a terrorist bombing to escape from prison, and then appropriate for him to take him to become involved in supply operations, which we are supporting?

      Gregg: I cannot justify that, sir. And I am not certain what role Felix played in getting him out.... I thought that Orlando Boche [sic], or someone of that nature, had been responsible for that.

      Sen. Kerry: When did you first learn that [i.e. about Posada's hiring for Contra resupply], Don?

      Gregg: When I learned who the various aliases were, which was some time in November/December [1986], after the whole thing came out.


      Sen. Cranston: Before proceeding in this matter, I would like to state clearly for the record what the central purpose of this investigation is about and in my view what it is not about. It is not about who is for or against the Contras.... Similarly, this investigation is not about building up or tearing down our new President [Bush]. We have tried throughout this proceeding to avoid partisan attacks. Indeed, Republicans and Democrats alike have sought Mr. Gregg's withdrawal as one way to avoid casting aspersions on the [Bush] White House.... [emphasis added].

      Mr. Gregg remains steadfast in his loyalty to his boss, then-Vice President Bush, and to his long-time friend, Felix Rodriguez. Mr. Gregg has served his country in the foreign policy field for more than three decades. By all accounts he is a loyal American.... As Mr. Gregg himself conceded last month, there are substantial reasons for senators to suspect his version of events and to raise questions about his judgement. It does not take a suspicious or partisan mind to look at the documentary evidence, the back channel cables, the `` eyes only '' memos, and then to conclude that Mr. Gregg has not been straight with us. Indeed, I am informed that more than one Republican senator who has looked at the accumulated weight of the evidence against Mr. Gregg, has remained unconvinced and has sought Mr. Gregg's withdrawal.

      Mr. Gregg, this committee has a fundamental dilemma. If we are to promote a man we believe to have misled us under oath, we would make a mockery of this institution. We would invite contempt for our enquiries. We would encourage frustration of our constitutional obligations. ... [It] has been established that when you are confronted with written evidence undermining your story, you point the finger of blame elsewhere. At our last hearing you said Gorman's cables were wrong, North's notebooks were wrong, Steele's memory was wrong, North's sworn testimony [that Gregg introduced Rodriguez to him] was wrong, you concocted a theory that your aide, Watson, and your secretary erred by writing `` Contras '' instead of `` helicopters '' on those infamous briefing memos for the Vice President. In sum, you have told a tale of an elaborate plan in which your professional colleagues and long-time friends conspired to keep you ignorant of crucial facts through days of meetings, monthly phone calls and nearly two years' worth of cables and memos. Incredibly, when senators confront you with the documentary evidence which undermines your story, you accuse us of concocting conspiracy theories and you do so with a straight face. ... I think it is clear by now that many important questions may never be answered satisfactorily, especially because we have been stonewalled by the administration. The National Security Agency has rejected our legitimate enquiries out of hand. The Central Intelligence Agency provided a response with access restrictions so severe ... as to be laughable. The Department of Defense has given an unsatisfactory response two days late. The State Department's response was utterly unresponsive. They answered our letter after their self-imposed deadline and failed to produce specific documents we requested and which we know exist. This Committee has been stonewalled by Oliver North, too. He has not complied with the Committee subpoena for his unredacted notebooks. The redacted notebooks contain repeated January 1985 references to Felix Rodriguez which suggests North's involvement in Rodriguez' briefings of the Vice President. No member of the Senate can escape the conclusion that these administration actions are contemptuous of this Committee. I find this highly regrettable, with potential long-term ramifications, but I recognize the will of the majority to come to a committee vote soon, up or down, and to move on to other pressing business [emphasis added]....

      Sen. McConnell: ... During the period of the Boland Amendment, were you ever asked to inform the Vice President's office or lend his name to private, nonprofit efforts to support the Contras?

      Gregg: Yes. I recall one instance, in particular, where there was a request--I guess it was probably from one aspect of the Spitz Channell organization, which had a variety of things going on in and around Nicaragua. We got, on December 2nd, 1985, a letter to the Vice President, asking him to get involved in something called the Friends of the Americas, which was aid to the Meskito Indians ... in Nicaragua that had been badly mistreated by the Sandinistas.... And so I have a document here which shows how we dealt with it. I sent it to Boyden Gray, the counsel of the Vice President and said, `` Boyden, this looks okay as a charity issue, but there is the question of precedent. Please give me a legal opinion. Thanks. '' ... Boyden Gray wrote back to me and said, `` No, should not do. Raises questions about indirect circumvention of congressional funding limits or restriction, vis-a- vis Nicaragua. '' That is the only time I recall that we had a specific request like that, and this is how we dealt with it. [In fact, George Bush had a much more interesting relationship to the affairs of Carl R. `` Spitz '' Channell than Mr. Gregg discusses here. Channell worked with Bush's covert action apparatus, moving his wealthy contacts toward what he termed `` the total embrace of the Vice President. '']

      Sen. Pell [Chairman of the Committee]: ... First, you say that you offered to resign twice, I think. Knowing that you are a very loyal servant of what you view as the national interest, and knowing the embarrassment that this nomination has caused the administration, I was wondering why you did not ask your name to be withdrawn ... to pull your name back.... [w]hich has been recommended by many of us as being a way to resolve this problem.

      Gregg: Well, I haven't because I think I'm fully qualified to be Ambassador to South Korea. And so does the Vice President [sic]. So I am here because he has asked me to serve....

      Sen. Cranston: ... Senators will recall that on Oct. 5th of '86 a plane bearing military supplies to the Contras was shot down over Nicaragua. The sole survivor, Eugene Hasenfus, spoke publicly of the role of Felix Rodriguez, alias Max Gomez, in aiding military resupply and noted Gomez's ties to the Vice President's office. Could you please describe your understanding of why it was that the first call to official Washington regarding the shootdown was from Felix Rodriguez to your aid[e] in Washington?

      Gregg: ... [It] was because on the 25th of June of that year he had come to Washington to confront North about what he regarded as corruption in the supply process of the Contras.... [H]e broke with North on the 25th of June and has not been on speaking terms with the man since then.... [H]e tried to get me--he could not--he reached Colonel Watson....

      Sen. Cranston: As you recall, the Vice President was besieged at that time with inquiries regarding Rodriguez's ties to the Vice President's office. What did you tell [Bush press spokesman] Marlin Fitzwater regarding that relationship?

      Gregg: ... The thrust of the press inquiries was always that from the outset I had had in mind that Rodriguez should play some role in the Contra support operation, and my comments to Marlin ... were that that had not been in my mind....

      Sen. Cranston: Let me quote again from the New York Times, George Bush quoted October 13, '86. Bush said, `` To the best of my knowledge, this man, Felix Rodriguez, is not working for the United States government. '' Now Mr. Gregg, you knew that Rodriguez was aiding the Contras and receiving material assistance in the form of cars, housing, communications equipment and transportation from the U.S. government. Did you inform Bush of those facts so that he could make calculated misleading statements in ignorance of his staff's activities?

      Gregg: ... At that point I had no idea that Felix--you said--you mentioned communications equipment. I had no idea he had been given by North one of those encryption devices. I think I was aware that Colonel Steele had given him access to a car, and I knew he was living in a BOQ at the air base. He was not being paid any salary. His main source of income was, as it is now, his retirement pension from CIA.

      Sen. Cranston: ... You told the Iran-Contra committee that you and Bush never discussed the Contras, had no expertise on the issue, no responsibility for it, and the details of Watergate-sized scandal involving NSC staff and the [Edwin] Wilson gang was not Vice Presidential. Your testimony on that point I think is demonstrably false. There are at least six memos from Don Gregg to George Bush regarding detailed Contra issues....

      Sen Cranston: Am I correct in this, that you have confirmed ... that senior U.S. military, diplomatic ... and intelligence personnel, really looked with great doubt upon Rodriguez's mission and that they tolerated it only because Rodriguez used his contacts with the Vice President and his staff as part of the way to bolster his mission.

      Gregg: ... I was not aware of the diplomatic; I was aware of the military and intelligence, yes, sir.

The committee voted in favor of confirmation. Cranston voted no. But three Democrats--Charles Robb, Terry Sanford and Chairman Claiborne Pell--joined the Republicans. Sanford confirmed Cranston's viewpoint, saying that he was allowing the nomination to go through because he was afraid `` the path would lead to Bush, '' the new President. Sanford said, shamefacedly, `` If Gregg was lying, he was lying to protect the President, which is different from lying to protect himself. ''[Emphasis added]@s8@s9

In George Bush's government, the one-party state, the knives soon came out, and the prizes appeared. The Senate Ethics Committee, including the shamefaced Terry Sanford, began in November 1989, its attack on the `` Keating Five. '' These were U.S. Senators, among them Senator Alan Cranston, charged with savings and loan corruption. The attack soon narrowed down to one target only--the Iran-Contrary Senator Cranston. On Aug. 2, 1991, Senator Terry Sanford, having forgotten his shame, took over as the new chairman of the Senate Ethics Committee.

Return to the Table of Contents


1. William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), p. 271.

2. Memo, May 14, 1982, two pp. bearing the nos. 29464 and 29465. See also `` NSDD-2 Structure for Central America, '' bearing the no. 29446, a chart showing the SSG and its CPPG as a guidance agency for the National Security Council. Photostats of these documents are reproduced in the EIR Special Report: `` Irangate, the Secret Government and the LaRouche Case, '' (Wiesbaden, Germany: Executive Intelligence Review Nachrichtenagentur, June 1989), p. 19.

3. Testimony of Donald P. Gregg, pp. 72-73 in Stenographic Transcript of Hearings Before the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Nomination Hearing for Donald Phinney Gregg to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. Washington, D.C., May 12, 1989 (hereinafter identified as `` Gregg Hearings ''). This transcript is available for reading at the office of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in the Capitol, Washington, D.C. See also Felix Rodriguez and John Weisman, Shadow Warrior (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), pp. 213-14. The book was ghost written--and spook-approved--by the CIA and Donald Gregg before publication.

4. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran Contra Affair (hereinafter identified as the `` Iran-Contra Report ''), published jointly by the U.S. House of Representatives Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran, and the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Nicaraguan Opposition, Nov. 17, 1987, Washington, D.C., pp. 395-97. Note that different sections of the Congressional Iran-Contra Report were published on different dates.

5. CovertAction, No. 33, Winter 1990, p. 12; drawn from Public Testimony of Fawn Hall, Iran-Contra Report, June 8, 1987, p. 15.

6. Memoranda and meetings of March 1983, in the `` National Security Archive '' Iran-Contra Collection on microfiche at the Library of Congress, Manuscript Reading Room (hereinafter identified as `` Iran-Contra Collection '').

7. Don Gregg Memorandum for Bud McFarlane, March 17, 1983, stamped SECRET, since declassified. Document no. 77 in the Iran- Contra Collection; on the memo is a handwritten note from `` Bud '' [McFarlane] to `` Ollie '' [North]. See also Gregg Hearings, pp. 54- 55.

8. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., p. 119.

9. Shultz Memorandum, May 25, 1983 and White House reply, both stamped SECRET/SENSITIVE. Documents beginning no. 00107 in the Iran- Contra Collection.

10. De Graffenreid Memorandum for Admiral Murphy, July 12, 1983, since declassified, bearing the no. 43673. Document no. 00137 in the Iran-Contra Collection.

11. Constantine C. Menges, Inside the National Security Council (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), pp. 70-78.

12. Chronology supplied by the Office of the Vice President, cited in The Progressive, May 18, 1987, London, England, p. 20.

13. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., p. 221.; CovertAction, No. 33, Winter 1990, p. 13, citing Testimony of Oliver North; Iran-Contra Report (June 8, 1987), pp. 643, 732-33.

14. This section is based on 1) literature supplied by CSA, Inc. and its subsidiary ANV, and 2) an exhaustive examination of CSA/ANV in Jupiter and other locations, including interviews with personnel employed by the company, and with military and CIA personnel who have worked with the company.

15. Scott Armstrong, Executive Editor for The National Security Archive, The Chronology: The Documented Day-by-Day Account of the Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Contras (New York: Warner Books, 1987), p. 55. Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott and Jane Hunter, The Iran-Contra Connection: Secret Teams and Covert Operations in the Reagan Era (Boston: South End Press, 1987), pp. 219- 20.

16. National Security Planning Group Meeting Minutes, June 25, 1984, pp. 1 and 14, photostats reproduced in EIR Special Report: `` American Leviathan: Administrative Fascism under the Bush Regime '' (Wiesbaden, Germany: Executive Intelligence Review Nachrichtenagentur, April 1990), p. 159.

17. This is an excerpt from Section 8066 of Public Law 98-473, the Continuing Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 1985; Iran-Contra Report, Nov. 13, 1987, p. 398l.

18. Armstrong, op. cit., Nov. 1, 1984 entry, p. 70, citing Miami Herald 11/2/84 and 11/3/84, Wall Street Journal 11/2/84, Washington Post 8/15/85, New York Times 12/23/87. Armstrong, op. cit., Nov. 10, 1983 entry, p. 42, citing corporate records of the Florida secretary of state 7/14/86, Miami Herald 11/2/84, New York Times 11/3/84.

19. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., pp. 220-21; EIR Special Report: `` American Leviathan, '' pp. 157-58.

20. Report of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988, pp. 61-62.

21. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., pp. 221-22.

22. Ibid., pp. 224- 25.

23. General Gorman `` eyes only '' cable to Pickering and Steele, Feb. 14, 1985. Partially declassified and released on July 30, 1987 by the National Security Council, bearing no. D 23179. Document no. 00833 in the Iran-Contra Collection. See also Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., pp. 225-26.

24. U.S. government stipulations in the trial of Oliver North, reproduced in EIR Special Report: `` Irangate..., '' pp. 20, 22.

25. Gregg Hearings, p. 99.

26. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., p. 227. Gregg Hearings, New York Times, Dec. 13, 1986.

27. CovertAction, No. 33, Winter 1990, pp. 13-14. On Amiram Nir, see Armstrong, op. cit., pp. 225-26, citing Wall Street Journal 12/22/86, New York Times 1/12/87. On Poindexter and North, see Menges,op. cit., p. 264.

28. Armstrong, op. cit., pp. 140-41, citing Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, `` Report on Preliminary Inquiry, '' Jan. 29, 1987.

29. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., pp. 239-41.

30. Oliver North's diary, since edited and partially declassified, entries for `` 10 Sep 85. '' Document no. 01527 in the Iran-Contra Collection.

31. Washington Post, June 10, 1990.

32. Charles E. Allen `` Memorandum for the Record, '' December 18, 1985. Partially declassified/released (i.e. some parts are still deleted) by the National Security Council on January 26, 1988. Document no. 02014 in the Iran-Contra Collection.

33. Armstrong, op. cit., pp. 226-27, citing Wall Street Journal 12/22/86, New York Times 12/25/86 and 1/12/87.

34. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 231, citing Washington Post 2/20/87, New York Times 2/22/87.

35. Ibid., p. 232, citing Miami Herald 11/30/86. 36. Interview with Herman Moll in EIR Special Report: `` Irangate..., '' pp. 81-83.

37. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 235, citing Washington Post 12/16/86, 12/27/86, 1/10/87 and 1/12/87; Ibid., p. 238, citing Tower Commission Report; Menges, op. cit., p. 271.

38. Armstrong, op. cit., pp. 240-41, citing Washington Post 1/10/87 and 1/15/87; Sen. John Tower, Chairman, The Tower Commission Report: The Full Text of the President's Special Review Board (New York: Bantam Books, 1987), p. 217.

39. Ibid., pp. 37, 225.

40. North notebook entry Jan. 9, 1986, Exhibits attached to Gregg Deposition in Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull, Rene Corbo, Felipe Vidal et al., 29 April 1988.

41. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 258, citing the Brenneke letter, which was made available to the National Security Archive.

42. U.S. government stipulations at the North trial, in EIR Special Report: `` Irangate..., '' p. 22.

43. Tower Commission Report, pp. 67-68, 78.

44. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 266, citing Washington Post 1/10/87 and 1/15/87.

45. Chronology supplied by Office of Vice President Bush; Armstrong, op. cit., p. 266, citing Washington Post 12/16/86.

46. Deposition of Robert Earl, Iran-Contra Report, May 2, 1987, Vol. 9, pp. 22-23; Deposition of Craig Coy, Iran-Contra Report, March 17, 1987, Vol. 7, pp. 24-25: cited in CovertAction, No. 33, Winter 1990, p. 13.

47. Oliver Revell to Sen. David Boren, chairman of Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, April 17, 1987; Washington Post Feb. 17, 20 and 22, 1987; Wall Street Journal Feb. 20, 1987: cited in CovertAction, No. 33, Winter 1990, p. 13.

48. Newsweek, Oct. 21, 1985, p. 26; Earl Exhibit, nos. 3- 8, attached to Earl Deposition, op. cit. cited in CovertAction No. 33, Winter 1990, p. 15.

49. Earl Deposition, op. cit., May 30, 1987, pp. 33-37; May 15, 1987, pp. 117-21 (Channell and Miller); May 15, 1987, pp. 131, 119 (private contributors).

50. Donald Gregg Briefing Memorandum for the Vice President, Jan. 27, 1986; released by the National Security Council March 22, 1988. Document no. 02254 in Iran-Contra Collection.

51. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 275, citing Miami Herald 11/30/86.

52. Ibid., p. 280, citing the Menarczik letter to Brenneke which was made available to the National Security Archive.

53. Ibid., citing Miami Herald 11/30/86.

54. New York Times, Nov. 30, 1986, Dec. 4, 1986. See Gregg testimony: Brenneke had M's number.

55. Quoted in Menges, op. cit., p. 275.

56. Deposition of Michael Tolliver in Avirgan and Honey, op. cit.

57. Allan Nairn, `` The Bush Connection, '' in The Progressive (London: May 18, 1987), pp. 21-22.

58. Nairn, op. cit., pp. 19, 21-23.

59. Tower Commission Report, p. 465

60. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., pp. 244-45.

61. Ibid.

62. `` Schedule Proposal, '' Office of the Vice President, April 16, 1986, exhibit attached to Gregg Deposition in Avirgan and Honey, op. cit.

63. Office of the Vice President Memorandum, April 30, 1986, released Aug. 28, 1987 by the National Security Council. Document no. 02738 in the Iran-Contra Collection.

64. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., pp. 245-46. See also Gregg confirmation hearings, excerpted infra, and numerous other sources.

65. Armstrong, op. cit., pp. 368-69, citing Senate Select Intelligence Committee Report, Jan. 29, 1987. 66. Ibid., p. 373, citing Washington Post 12/16/86.

67. Ibid., p. 388-89, citing McFarlane testimony to the Tower Commission.

68. Affidavit of Eugene Harry Hasenfus, October 12, 1986, pp. 2- 3. Document no. 03575 in the Iran-Contra Collection. 69. Tower Commission Report, pp. 385-88.

70. Washington Post, Feb. 26, 1987.

71. Hasenfus Affidavit, pp. 6-7. 72. Ibid.

73. Hasenfus Affidavit, p. 7.

74. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 508, citing the chronology provided by George Bush's office, Washington Post 12/16/86; New York Times 12/16/86, 12/17/86 and 12/25/86; Wall Street Journal 12/19/86 and 12/24/86.

75. Laredo [Texas] Morning Times, May 15, 1989, p. 1.

76. Washington Post, Oct. 11, 1986.

77. Washington Post, Oct. 12, 1986, Oct. 14, 1986.

78. Washington Post, Oct. 14, 1986.

79. Hasenfus Affidavit, p. 3.

80. Rodriguez and Weisman, op. cit., p. 241.

81. Washington Post, Nov. 20, 1986.

82. Washington Post, Feb. 12, 1987.

83. Washington Post, Dec. 18, 1986, Wall Street Journal, Dec. 19, 1986.

84. Donald T. Regan, For the Record: From Wall Street to Washington (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovitch, 1988), pp. 368-73.

85. Ibid.

86. New York Times, March 2, 1989.

87. CovertAction, No. 33, Winter 1990, p. 15.

88. Stenographic Transcript of Hearings Before the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Nomination Hearing for Donald Phinney Gregg to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. Washington, D.C., May 12 and June 15, 1989. Some misspellings in the transcript have been corrected here.

89. Mary McCrory, `` The Truth According to Gregg, '' Washington Post, June 22, 1989.

90. NEPL contributions 1985 printout, cited in Armstrong, op. cit., p. 226.

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"Heirs to self-knowledge shed gently their fears..."


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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #355 on: July 04, 2005, 08:10:02 pm »

Ok the holiday is over. Let's start whith the basics.

From Against the Grain we have this:

This post is part ONE.



    I, James Montgomery, am in no way using this paper to overthrow the United States government nor am I trying to influence others to overthrow the government of the United States or any insurrection against said Government. I, James Montgomery, am practicing free speech given under God's law and also recognized by the framers of the Constitution of the united States in the 1st Amendment to the Constitution which protects free speech of pre-fourteenth Amendment citizens which are American Citizens.

    This is a public domain document, when used in its entirety, it is not to be quoted out of context.

    The list of books that were used in preparation for this paper are located on the last page.

In this ascii version the quotes are located in the following brackets.





    To understand the title of this paper you must be made aware that the country I refer to is the United States. Very few Americans are aware of the defeat of which it is my obligation to inform you of. President Lincoln very wisely said and correctly so, I might add, that:

    "All the armies of Europe, Asia and Africa combined could not, by force, take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ridge in a trial of a thousand years. At what point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, if it ever reach us it must spring up amongst us. It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we ourselves must be its author and finisher."1

    Thomas Jefferson said: "I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies."2

    These patriarch's of our country understood the dangers of banking and the men that controlled the banking institutions. The enemy that defeated this country from the very beginning was the debt created by the use of paper money instead of gold and silver coin. The use of differing weights and measures caused this country to fall prey to the international bankers. Prior to the Constitution being written the States printed paper money to finance the Revolutionary War. At the end of the war the new United States found itself bankrupted by a huge debt. Our forefathers made it clear because of their experience and those of other countries that we should never use paper money again.


    "I am firmly of the opinion that there never was a paper pound, a paper dollar, or a paper promise of any kind, that ever yet obtained a general currency [as money] but by force or fraud, generally by both."3 (John Adams)

    "A theft of greater magnitude and still more ruinous, is the making of paper money; it is greater because in this money there is absolutely no real value; it is more ruinous because by its gradual depreciation during the time of its existence, it produces the effect which would be proration of the coins. All those iniquities are founded on the false idea the money is but a sign."4 (Count Destutt de Tracy)

    "If ever again our nation stumbles upon unfunded paper, it shall surely be like death to our body politic. This country will crash."5 (George Washington)

    "That paper money corrupted the morals of the people; it had diverted them from the paths of honest industry to the ways of ruinous speculation; it had destroyed both public and private credit, and had brought total ruin on numberless widows and orphans...I apprehend these general reasoning will be found true with respect to paper money: that experience has shown that, in every state where it has been practiced since the revolution, it always carries the gold and silver out of the country, and impoverishes it."6 (C.C. Pinckney)

    During the formation of the Constitution there were pro-paper and anti-paper money advocates at work. The strongest proponent for the use of paper money, and the establishment of the first bank of the United States, was Alexander Hamilton. Many of our forefathers, including Thomas Jefferson were against the use of paper money and the establishment of a central bank. The proponents for paper money said this would be more cost effective and convenient than using silver and gold coin. Those against the use of paper money said this would ruin the country through debt, and plunge this country into bankruptcy, and make the Americans subject to the bankers.

6. THE MAKING OF AMERICA, p. 493, 494

    "If the American people ever allow the banks to control issuance of their currency, first by inflation and then by ,deflation, the banks and corporations that grow up around them will deprive the people of all property until their children will wake up homeless on the continent their fathers occupied."7
(Thomas Jefferson)

    "On February 15, 1791 Jefferson wrote Washington to tell him his objections of the establishment of a National Bank.

The bill for establishing a National Bank undertakes among other things:
1. To form the subscribers into a corporation.
2. To enable them in their corporate capacities to receive grants
of land; and so far is against the laws of mortmain.
3. To make alien subscribers capable of holding lands; and so far
is against the laws of alienage.
4. To transmit these lands, on the death of a proprietor, to a
certain line of successors; and so far changes the course of
5. To put the lands out of the reach of forfeiture or escheat;
and so far is against the laws of forfeiture and escheat.
6. To transmit personal chattels to successors in a certain line;
and so far is against the laws of distribution.
7. To give them the sole and exclusive right of banking under the
national authority; and so far is against the laws of monopoly.
8. To communicate to them a power to make laws paramount to the
laws of the States; for so they must be construed, to protect the
institutions from the control of the State legislatures; and so,
probably, they will be construed.

    I consider the foundation of the Constitution as laid on this ground; That "all powers not delegated to the United States, by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to the people."

    To take a single step beyond the boundaries thus specially drawn around the powers of Congress, is to take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of any definition.

    The incorporation of a bank, and the powers assumed by this bill, have not, in my opinion, been delegated to the United States, by the Constitution.

    Can it be thought that the Constitution intended that for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, Congress should be authorized to break down the most ancient and fundamental laws of the several States; such as those against mortmain, the laws of alienage, the rules of descent, the acts of distribution, the laws of escheat and forfeiture, the laws of monopoly?"8


    What did Jefferson mean by the word mortmain? This is a law that was passed prior to the Magna Charta. The reason this law was created by the King of England was to protect his land. When the Church gained status in England, the people began to will their land to the Church in exchange for the promise that the Church would pray their souls out of hell. The public lands began to disappear so the King enacted this law to protect his land. What the law in effect said was that no one could deed land to the Church without a license from the King. This definition was later extended to include corporations. Jefferson said that because we were the sovereigns, Congress was subject to us, they had no right to give a corporate charter to the Bank of the United States placing our land in dead hands (unable to be purchased again by the public), since Congress had not been given this power under the Constitution. Any powers not given to Congress by the Constitution were reserved by the several States and the American People. Jefferson knew that if this charter was given, the public lands would soon belong to the Bankers. As Thomas Jefferson said, this was a most ancient and fundamental law of the Thirteen States. Can our land be reclaimed by the law of mortmain? I don't know yet, but it bears looking into. Only sovereigns, that are Sui Juris, Freemen and Freeholders of their property, can bring such a suit. I know from studying Blackstone's writings on mortmain that only a freeman has a remedy and can bring the common law writ of Quo Warranto. Quo Warranto means:

"A writ brought before a proper tribunal, to inquire by what warrant a person or corporation exercises certain powers."9
(Blackstone Commentaries)

    Upon ratification of the Constitution, it had appeared that those who opposed paper money had won. The money clauses of the Constitution made it unlawful to coin anything except gold and silver. However, there was a fatal flaw in the Constitution. The words of the Constitution were twisted by lawyer legalize, and
power was claimed by Congress, that was not granted to them by the Constitution or the men that wrote the Constitution. Congress was granted exclusive jurisdiction over the District of Columbia and its territories, no more, no less. It will be shown in this paper, how Congress extended by legislation its territory to include the fifty States. Imagine the District of Columbia as a umbrella and that Congress opened this umbrella in order to cover the fifty States.

    "To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings; make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Office thereof". (Article One, Section Eight, Paragraph Sixteen and Seventeen of the U.S. Constitution)

    "The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needed Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State." (Article Four Section Three, Paragraph Two of the U.S. Constitution)

    Hamilton suggested that the word proper gave Congress the power under the Constitution to charter the Bank of the United States. Thomas Jefferson said in disagreement that:

    "The second general phrase is, "to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the enumerated powers." But they can all be carried into execution without a bank. A bank therefore is not necessary, and consequently not authorized by this phrase.

    It has been urged that a bank will give great facility or convenience in the collection of taxes. Suppose this were true: yet the Constitution allows only the means which are "necessary," not those which are merely "convenient" for effecting the enumerated powers."10 (Thomas Jefferson)
    Jefferson lost his debate with Hamilton concerning the establishment of the Bank of the United States. Jefferson believed the Constitution was a exclusive not a inclusive document and was meant to be a restriction on Congress. This began the legal precedent of Congress and the Courts claiming power not granted to them by the Citizens of the States. Jefferson and the other sponsors of the Tenth Amendment thought this Amendment would be enough to check the power hungry Congress, but they were wrong. Congress's assumption of un-delegated powers made the following possible.

    There were two governments created by the Constitution, the following definitions will prove that one was bound by the Constitution, the other was not.

    The term "United States" may be used in any one of several senses. It may be merely the name of a sovereign occupying the position analogous to that of other sovereigns in the family of nations. It may designate the territory over which the sovereignty of the United States extends, or it may be the collective name of the states which are united by and under the Constitution.(fn 6) Hooven & Allison Co. v. Evatt (1944) 324 U.S. 652, 671, 89 L.Ed. 1252, 1267 Black's Law Dictionary, 6th Ed.

    In exercising this power, Congress is not subject to the same constitutional limitations, as when it is legislating for the United States. ...And in general the guaranties of the Constitution, save as they are limitations upon the exercise of executive and legislative power when exerted for or over our insular possessions, extend to them only as Congress, in the exercise of its legislative power over territory belonging to the United States, has made those guarantees applicable.
[Hooven & Allison & Co. vs Evatt, 324 U.S. 652 (1945)

    The idea prevails with some indeed, it found expression in arguments at the bar that we have in this country substantially or practically two national governments; one to be maintained under the Constitution, with all its restrictions; the other to be maintained by Congress outside and independently of that instrument, by exercising such powers as other nations of the earth are accustomed to exercise.

    It will be an evil day for American liberty if the theory of a government outside of the supreme law of the land finds lodgment in our constitutional jurisprudence. No higher duty rests upon this court than to exert its full authority to prevent all violation of the principles of the Constitution.
[Downes vs Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244 (1901)](Dissenting opinion)

    Nothing in this Covenant requires or authorizes legislation, or other action, by the United States of America prohibited by the Constitution of the United States as interpreted by the United States. (INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS.) 102d Congress 2d Session, Exec. Rept. 102-23 January 30, 1992 (See: page 24.)

    When President Washington agreed with Hamilton to create a Bank of the United States this countries fate was sealed. With Congress acting under its insular capacity, not restrained by the Constitution or the Bill of Rights, their only concern then became the furtherance of commerce, not the rights of Americans. The actions of Hamilton were directly responsible for the defeat of the American people. The American people over the course of our history have seen the events that enslaved them without realizing their enslavement, because their ability to buy and sell was never taken away.

    "Our rulers will become corrupt, our people careless... the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis is [now] while our rulers are honest, and ourselves united. From the conclusion of this war we shall be going downhill. It will not then be necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. They will be forgotten, therefore, and their rights disregarded. They will forget themselves, but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. The shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long, will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall revive or expire in a convulsion."11 (Thomas Jefferson)

    The American people were unaware of the hidden intent of the bankers and the liability and obligation for taking their money. The American people were not aware of the diabolical plot to take away their freedom, nor were they aware of the men responsible for their enslavement. The purpose of this paper is to expose and unmask the men behind the defeat and enslavement of the American people.
11. NOTES ON THE STATE OF VIRGINIA, query 17, p. 161, (1784)
    Who were these people? Why weren't the American people listening to the encroachment on their freedom?

    To deny the identity of these bankers would be to deny history. It is not anti-semitic to reveal the truth, and the fact that those behind the defeat of America are a few power hungry Jews. True there are non-Jews involved, but the controlling power are those that control the worlds finances. This paper is impartial, it has not been colored for or against any group of people. Jesus said: "Ye shall know them by their fruits". The following pages are merely the fruits of our history.

    The first recorded Jewish settler in Manhattan was a man named Jacob Barsimson who arrived early in 1654. He was an Ashkenazic, or German Jew.

    When the Jews came to New York, it was considered among such families as the Roosevelts, the Van Rensselaers, the Goelets, and the Morrises, not to be Jewish. The Sephardic families of New York, descended from the St. Charles arrivals (also known as the Jewish Mayflower), include the Straus', the Warburgs, the Aldrichs, the Kuhns, the Loebs, the Lehmans, the Morgans, the Schiffs, the Hendrickses, the Cardozos, the Baruchs, the Lazaruses, the Nathans, the Solises, the Gomezes, the Lopezes, the Lindos, the Lombrosos, and the Seixases. The Roosevelts, Bayards, Van Cortlandts, and Rhinelanders were in the sugar refining business. The Rhinelanders also sold crockery, and the Schuylers were importers. The Verplancks were traders, and Clarksons and Beekmans and Van Zandts were in the retail dry goods business. The Brevoorts and Goelets were ironmongers, and the Schermerhorns were ship chandlers. The Guggenheims are proud to say that they started on foot and, amassed what may have been the greatest single fortune in America. The only fortune that may outweigh the Guggenheims' is that of John D. Rockefeller. Records place Guggenheims in Lengnau in Canton Aargau in German speaking northern Switzerland, as early as 1696. A document of that year refers to "der Jud" Maran Guggenheimb von Lengnau" and the family had probably come to Lengnau from a German town called Guggenheimb (now Jugenheim), near Heidelberg. The Seligmans were a major American banking family. Haym Solomon, who had come from Poland, worked closely with William Morris and the Continental Congress as a broker, and helped raise a particularly large sum for the Revolution. For his services he was given the official title of "Broker to the Office of Finance." Even earlier, Jewish bankers had lent money to Lord Bellamont, a particularly improvident eighteenth century colonial Governor of New York, helping to keep the colony financially on its feet, and New York's first Lutheran church was built with money advanced by Jewish bankers among them Isaac Moses, who helped establish the Bank of North America in 1781. These are some of the main players (all of whom are Jews) iin the deceit and treachery to enslave all non-Jews in America, who I might add took them in spite of their history that proceeded them. The facts that follow expose what went on behind the scenes.

    They have referred to themselves as "the One Hundred," as opposed to "the Four Hundred." The One Hundred are a core group of Jews with German roots, the Four Hundred are also Jews, but are considered to be beneath the One Hundred in status and mental ability. The Seligmans were the elite of the One Hundred. They have been called the "Jewish Grand Dukes," The One Hundred considered themselves to be the elite of the human race and that all non-Jews are to be despised and are meant to be their slaves. Their Jewish Talmud (their religion) makes this fact clear. Their arrival in America began in the 1600s.

    As I said earlier, Alexander Hamilton was relentless in his pursuit of establishing the first Bank of the United States and the continued use of the international bankers money. Was Alexander Hamilton who he claimed to be, a loyal American, or was he an agent working for the international bankers? The only way to find out is to examine known history. Alexander Hamilton was born Alexander Levine, of Jewish lineage, in St. Croix, the West Indies.12
    After changing his name and his geographical situs, he entered the United States military, he was a staff duty officer for General George Washington. Hamilton emerged from the Revolutionary War as a lieutenant colonel and on December 14, 1780 he married the second daughter of General Philip Schuyler's, at the bride's home in Albany, New York. General Philip Schuyler's influence in New York politics was great. The bride's mother was Catherine Van Rensselaer, daughter of Colonel John R. Van Rensselaer, who was the son of Hendrik, the grandson of Killiaen, the first partroon.13 (Heir to Baron Van Rothschild)

    As Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton's foremost objective was to make sure that there could be no doubt about the determination of the United States to pay its just debts. On January 14, 1790, he proposed that all outstanding loans be funded at their face value, even though many speculators would profit by this. Some members of Congress, who as they voted for the funding bill, were not unaware of the opportunity it gave them to reap a rich harvest. It has also been reported that there are documents in the British museum that prove Alexander Hamilton received payment from the Rothschild's for his dastardly deeds. Could this payment have been for his involvement in the establishment of a foreign bank in this country, and for convincing Congress to assume the States debts, which would have created a debt obligation binding the United States government and the States to the international bankers?

    Alexander Hamilton boasted: "A power over a man's subsistence amounts to a power over his will."14

    Hamilton wished also to take over such of the debts incurred by the States themselves for the cause of independence as they had not yet paid.
    His object, again, was to place the States under such obligation as to insure their support in the establishment of the first Bank of the United States. The State's war debts amounted to over eighteen million dollars, not all the States had debts to be taken over. Thus started the political precedent of perpetual debt and required contributions (taxes) to be passed on to those not responsible for the debt. Nor were the obligations spelled out to the State inhabitants.

    Hamilton won the debate for the first Bank of the United States when President Washington signed the senate bill. The bank was to have a capital stock of ten million dollars, which was for that time, a very large sum. Of this amount one fifth was to be subscribed by the United States, and the other four fifths by private individuals. Hamilton's Bank which had been chartered for twenty years was allowed to run out in 1811 in favor of the State banks. The Bankers could not stand for their bank being closed. The House of Rothschild used their influence over Britain to bring about the War of 1812. The War increased the U.S. governments debt to such an extent that the taxes that were collected were less than one third the amount to cover this debt. The remaining debt had to be covered by loans that were made by foreign bankers, by the end of the war the government was virtually bankrupt. The State banks tried to bolster themselves by issuing paper money in excessive amounts, which created land speculation and a deflated dollar. Some members in Congress saw no choice but to propose the second Bank of the United States. In 1816 the second Bank of the United States was chartered.

    "The new bank would have a capital stock of thirty five million; the United States government should subscribe one fifth of the stock, private individuals the other four fifths, and the directors should be similarly apportioned; the bank should have a monopoly on the business of the United States and the national banking business; it might establish branch banks throughout the several states; and it might continue in operation for a period of twenty years."15
    It is obvious that the bankers had the Congress of the United States and the American people through proxy over a barrel. Congress agreed to give the bankers exclusive rights to all business done in the United States. All loans were guarantied by the American people with repayment to be made through the payment of taxes. For the valuable privileges the Bank was to enjoy, it was required to pay to the government of the United States a bonus of one million and five hundred thousand dollars. In 1818 the Bank of the United States began an all out attack on the State banks in order to close them. The Bank of the United States collected the paper money of State banks, and after the State banks had paid out a sufficient amount of specie (in other words their gold and silver deposits became low), the Bank of the United States would demand payment in specie for the paper money the State banks had put in circulation. The international bankers knew that the State banks only kept one dollar of gold and silver for every twelve dollars of paper money that was loaned out by the State banks. The State banks that were attacked in such a manner would then have to call in their loans. Individuals who had borrowed from the targeted banks would be forced to raise what they owed by selling their property for whatever it would bring.16

    It doesn't take a rocket scientist to figure out what the bankers were up to. The above banking policy would eventually pull all gold and silver out of the State banks, leaving them at the mercy of the international bankers. This would also give the Bank of the United States a monopoly in banking, removing any competition. By bankrupting the State banks the international bankers would destroy those Americans that had loans though the State banks, the farmer, the business man and the land speculators. The result, the transfer of this countries gold and silver resources and vast amounts of this countries most important asset, its land to the bankers.
    Those involved with banking became subject to the bankers through these foreclosures at a National level. Who are these bankers and how did they get a foothold in this country?

    The Bank of the United States was operated by Nicholas Biddle, a wealthy and aristocratic Philadelphian, the bank was in a flourishing condition when President Jackson took office. Biddle was employed by the Rothschilds, and he was a non-Jew. When the bank failed in 1837 he was soon forgotten by the bankers and died penniless and a pauper in 1844.

    President Jackson represented the anti-bank sentiment by the American people, Jackson said:

    "I do not dislike your bank more than all banks, but ever since I read the history of the South Sea Bubble, I have been afraid of banks."

...The South Sea Company was an English corporation, chartered in 1711, with a monopoly on the Spanish-American trade. It attempted in 1720 to underwrite the British national debt in return for a guaranteed interest rate of 5 per cent. This introduced a period of unbridled speculation, not only in stocks of the South Sea Company, but in all sorts of stocks also. The "Bubble" burst in November, 1720, with disastrous consequences to a host of investors.17

    Biddle made a number of Jackson men directors of branch banks, but he was unwilling to subject the welfare of the bank more fully to the hazards of questionable banking. His nervous apprehension, however, led him to seek the favor of Congress in a way almost equally open to question. In 1829 thirty-four members of Congress found it possible to borrow a total amount of one hundred and ninety two thousand dollars from the bank; in 1830 fifty-two congressmen borrowed a total of three hundred and twenty two thousand dollars; in 1831 fifty-nine congressmen borrowed a total of four hundred and seventy eight thousand dollars. Huge amounts of money were also made available to powerful newspaper editors, and it paid each year a generous retainer to Daniel Webster, who,
as the Bank's attorney and a member of its board of directors, saw nothing improper in representing its interests both in and out of Congress.

    Webster persuaded Biddle to request for the recharter of the bank before the election of 1832. Webster knew Congress would pass the bank bill because of the loans that were made to many of the congressmen. The bank bill passed and was promptly vetoed by President Jackson, here is a portion of his veto speech, his reasoning is sound:

    "More than a fourth part of the stock is held by foreigners and the residue is held by a few hundred of our own citizens, chiefly of the richest class.... Should the stock of the bank principally pass into the hands of the subjects of a foreign country, and we should unfortunately become involved in a war with that country, what would be our condition?...If we must have a bank with private stockholders, every consideration of sound policy and every impulse of American feeling admonishes that it should be purely American."18

    Nicholas Biddle the President of the United States Bank said:

    "This worthy President, thinks that because he has scalped Indians and imprisoned Judges, he is to have his way with the Bank. He is mistaken."19

    On January 30, 1835: The bankers attempted to assassinate their fiercest enemy, President Jackson. Richard Lawrence armed with two pistols at point blank range, fired both pistols, both of which misfired spoiling the bankers plans.

    President Jackson said: "the Bank is trying to kill me, but I shall Kill the Bank."20

    With the reelection of President Jackson in 1836 he knew he had a mandate from the people of the America. He feared the power of Biddle in persuading the Congress, in order to head off Biddle,
    Jackson through his power given him under the Constitution removed the money from the Bank of the United States and placed it in the State banks. In order to accomplish this he had to fire two Secretary of the Treasurers. Their successor, Roger B. Taney of Maryland did not hesitate to issue the order to remove the money.

    Biddle shut off the flow of money to the State banks in order to turn public against Jackson's polices against the Bank of the United States. The State banks began to loan excessive amounts of paper money, which again triggered land speculation. The State bank loans increased from one hundred and thirty seven million in 1829 to five hundred and twenty five million dollars  in 1837. The land speculation was so bad that the government sales of public lands rose from four million acres in 1834 to fifteen million in 1835, and to twenty million in 1836. Receipts from public lands had contributed to the treasury only four million eight hundred thousand dollars in 1834; but in 1835 this item rose to fourteen million seven hundred thousand dollars, and in 1836 to twenty four million eight hundred thousand dollars. These banks had nothing better to do with the funds that poured into their vaults than to lend them out again, and in far too many instances the borrowers were mere speculators who bought more land. Thus an endless chain was fashioned; payments made by the speculators to the United States were deposited into pet banks, then lent again to other speculators to buy more land, then paid once more into the treasury, then re-deposited, then lent again, and so on in a vicious circle.

    President Jackson decided the evil of this policy had to be stopped. In July 1836 it was declared in the "SPECIE CIRCULAR" that paper money could no longer be used to buy public lands, and that specie (gold and silver) had to be used, this ended for a number of years the purchase of land from the government. In 1835 the last dollar of public debt was paid off. In 1837 the United States was in the middle of a depression, because the Bank of the United States had removed the gold and silver from the State banks, which meant they had no more specie money to loan.  1837 marked the end of the Bank of the United States, and in 1840 Congress passed the Sub-Treasury Bill. The only thing this accomplished was to remove the middle man between the United States government and the foreign Bankers.

    August Belmont's (Schonberg) arrived in New York City in 1837, with the influence and backing of the House of Rothschild behind him. He was a Jewish banker of German decent, he had three sons Perry, Oliver H.P., and August Jr.. August Schonberg (Belmont) went to Frankfurt at the age of thirteen to work as an unpaid apprentice for the Rothschilds, the leading Jewish banking house in Europe. It is said among the European Rothschilds that Augest Schonberg was the illegitimate son of Baron Von Rothschild. The reason I believe this to be true is because the Jews are very clannish, they would not put a non-family member in  such a important position, nor would a non-family member have direct access to Baron Von Rothschild.

    Belmont married into the Perry family for their social influence. The Perrys were not very rich, but they had all the social contacts that Belmont wanted and needed, more than he needed money. Caroline was the daughter of Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry, hero of the Mexican War and the officer later  credited with having "opened Japan to the West," and her uncle was another naval commander, Oliver Hazard Perry, hero of the War of 1812 and the Battle of Lake Erie.

    The first thing New York society noticed about August Belmont was that he had lots of money. It was Rothschild money, and he used it extravagantly. As a financier with the funds of the world's largest private bank at his fingertips, he was immediately important not only to American companies but to the United States Government, which was always running out of cash and whose credit needed constant infusions from bankers. There was one area in which August Belmont excelled. Its name was Rothschild. Belmont was not known to be a spectacular,  brilliant, or even "interesting" financier. But men like J.P. Morgan liked to work with the European Rothschilds, and August Belmont, as their agent, was always there, helpful, collecting his percentage on the money that passed back and forth.

    In the panic of 1837 Belmont was able to perform a service which he would repeat in subsequent panics, and which helped make him a friend to bankers and to the United States Government. By negotiating large loans from the Rothschilds, he was able to shore up United States debtor banks. In other words, he was able, thanks to the hugeness of the Rothschild reservoir of  capital, to start out in America operating his own Federal Reserve System. Mayer Amschel Rothschild said:

    "Permit me to issue and control the money of a nation and I care not who makes its laws."21

    In the years since his arrival Belmont had been so successful at channeling Rothschild funds into the United States Treasury in return for government securities that he was rewarded, in 1844, by being appointed United States Consul General to Austria, a move designed not only to provide Mr. Belmont with prestige but also to place him close to the Vienna House of Rothschild where he could be of further usefulness. Things, of course, did not always go smoothly. When the State of Pennsylvania defaulted on thirty five million worth of State  bonds held by British investors, including the Rothschilds, Belmont, in Paris trying to place another U.S. Federal Government loan, was icily told by Baron de Rothschild:

    "Tell them you have seen the man who is at the head of the finances of Europe, and that he has told you that they cannot borrow a dollar. Not a dollar."22

    In 1853 he had been made United States charge d'affaires at The Hague, and from 1855 to 1858 he was the resident American minister there.
22. OUR CROWD, p. 73
    Until the outbreak of the war, August Belmont had been financial advisor to the President of the United States. During the war's first months, Lincoln leaned on Belmont for Rothschild money as heavily as Gitterman and the Quartermaster Corps leaned on the Seligmans for uniforms. This placed Belmont in an awkward position. Reflecting the general frame of mind in Europe, the  Rothschilds had grave doubts about the North's chances of winning, and gave Belmont and the United States Treasury only lukewarm and hesitant support. Lincoln's fund-raisers were forced to look for new sources of supply, and found them in the bond-selling efforts of such men as Joseph Seligman.

    The recovery from the Panic of 1857 was as spectacular as the panic itself. The bubble had no sooner burst than it began to re-inflate. So much gold was pouring into New York from California that gold held in New York banks climbed from eight million dollars' worth in October to twenty-eight million two months later, and a ten-million-dollar loan from the Rothschilds made, via August Belmont, to bolster the credit of U.S. banks was repaid the same day.

    The Seligmans, who were a American banking house, had the same mission as the international bankers. Both banking houses were able manipulate the American people through so called bid rigging. The bankers funded the North and the South.

    William Seligman liked to say that he had predicted the Civil War, and implied that the nice position the Seligmans found themselves in as a result of the war was largely his doing.

    At the outbreak of the war the United States Treasury was in greater shambles than Fort Sumter. Southern banks had been quietly withdrawing large amounts of funds on deposit in the North. When Lincoln took office, he found his Treasury almost empty. The Federal debt was increasing, and the American credit abroad was disappearing. Conservative businessmen wanted no deals whatever with the government. They considered it far too risky.

    Linton Wells, a former Seligman staff member, wrote that "Joseph Seligman, during a visit with President Lincoln, "persuaded" Lincoln to put Grant in charge of the Union forces," which Lincoln of course did. These constitute sizable claims, and subsequent Seligman generations have cooperated with, Wells  and W.E. Dodd (Dodd was Joseph's equal in selling bonds) in carrying on the legend that Joseph Seligman won the Civil War by paying for it. At one optimistic point, Joseph bought some Union bonds for his own portfolio, then quickly became discouraged about their prospects and wrote: "I am almost tempted to resell the U.S. Stock which I bought and keep my hands clear of the present degenerated American race."23 (Again this is what these Jewish bankers thought about non-Jeewish Americans.) His brothe James was more hopeful and wrote suggesting that the brothers buy one hundred thousand dollars worth of Union securities for their own accounts. Joseph turned him down, he said:

    "Do not be afraid," he answered, "that the Government will want no more money after the 1 June even if the South should have been whipped so badly as to offer to make peace, the Government will need hundreds if not thousands of millions yet, to pay for claims of all description and for the purpose of emancipating the Negro."24

    This was one of the reasons for the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution. By making the Negro a United States citizen it would increase the debt of the United States and further enslave the non-Jewish American through the increased taxes that would have to be collected.

    Morgan, Belmont, and the Rothschilds formed an axis of financial power that Joseph Seligman was finding it increasingly difficult to beat.

    This much of Joseph's Union bond-selling is known. Early in Lincoln's second administration, in 1865, William Fessenden, who succeeded Chase as Secretary of the Treasury, announced a four hundred million issue of new government notes.
23. OUR CROWD, p. 90
24. OUR CROWD, p. 91
    Joseph Seligman headed a group of German bankers in New York who wished to underwrite fifty million worth of these notes, but the Secretary would not accept the terms of the syndicate. Thereupon, the Seligman brothers took an active part in selling these Federal securities themselves, and it is recorded that they sold over sixty million worth. Remember these bonds were just like the government created the money out of thin air. These bankers knew that if they continued to underwrite these bonds they would obtain a nation and its people for repayment.

    Within hours of Lee's surrender, Joseph had summoned his brothers together to organize the international banking House of Seligman. Under Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, the Seligmans enjoyed excellent relations with three successive  Secretaries of the Treasury-Salmon Chase, William Fessenden, and Hugh McCulloch.

    When their old friend from Watertown days, Ulysses S. Grant, took Presidential office in 1869, they had every reason to look forward to the same preferential treatment. In the beginning the possibilities certainly looked good. Grant appointed as his Secretary of State Elihu B. Washburne, who as a Congressman from Illinois had been one of the Seligmans' private clients. Joseph had once purchased, in Frankfurt, two hundred thousand dollars of U.S. bonds for Washburne, saying at the time, "There is no necessity for you to send any Bonds as margin, as we require none from you, dear Washburne." As soon as Washburne was appointed, the Seligmans wrote him, gently reminding him of their past good  deeds, and offering their "full services" to the new administration. But Washburne's appointment, it turned out, was only a courtesy one. He held the post for only twelve days, and was then made Minister to France. Grant replaced him with Hamilton Fish, who was less a friend. Fish was the son of a Revolutionary War officer whose father had been a friend of George Washington's and whose mother was a descendant of Peter Stuyvesant, who had once thrown every Jew in New York in jail. Then Grant did a startling thing. He contacted Joseph privately, and said he would like to make him Secretary of the Treasury, but  Joseph declined.

    Daniel Drew, a large stock manipulator, was able to force the price of Erie stock up and down at will. Why did Drew want his shares sold in London and not New York? So New York wouldn't find out about it for a while. Allied with Drew in his operations were two other terrors of the age "Jubliee Jim" Fisk, a former circus roustabout, and an ex-farm hand who became the leader of the threesome named Jay Gould.

    The Seligman firm, in Joseph's words, did "an enormous amount of business" in the Gould manipulations of the Erie stock, selling short for their own account whenever Gould or Fisk or Drew sold short, as they did consistently, letting the three men's operations provide the pattern for the Seligmans' own. In almost no time, the Seligmans had let the name of their old friend President Grant be linked with one of the most spectacular and scandalous financial coups of the decade, Jay Gould's attempt to corner the gold market.

    On September 24, 1869 Gould began raising the price of gold from one hundred dollars to about one hundred and forty five dollars, meanwhile having gotten new freight contracts, at a higher rate, for shipping grain on the Erie. Gold began to climb as the Gould-Drew-Fisk group began buying, while the Seligmans, acting as the trio's brokers, also bought for their own account.

    Grant seemed to be falling into line perfectly, and gold did indeed reach one hundred and forty five dollars. Then, apparently, covetousness, one of Mr. Gould's most consistent emotions took over, and Gould decided to let gold get a little higher, to one hundred and fifty dollars before selling. At this  point Grant seemed to realize what was going on, and ordered his Secretary of the Treasury to dump four million dollars in gold on the market in order to bring the price down again. On what became known as Black Friday, gold prices crashed. The price fell in fifteen minutes from one hundred and sixty two dollars to one hundred and thirty three dollars and many investors were ruined. But it turned out, Gould had sold out at the top of the market anyway, and so had the Seligmans. It was almost, or so it seemed at the time, as though Gould and the Seligmans had been given some advance warning of the Treasury's forthcoming action. Had Grant tipped his old friends off? When Gould went to jail for manipulation of Erie stock, the Seligmans, who had been acting as his brokers, loyally guaranteed his twenty thousand dollar bail bond and, with this action, more or less permanently committed themselves to Gould. Joseph said, "let us thank God that we have made no losses." Banks were in desperate need of  cash, and Joseph tried to persuade President Grant to deposit government funds in private banks, even though, as Joseph admitted, such a move would be "clearly illegal."

    Gould and Drew and Jim Fisk were, from that standpoint, very much in tune with their times. Gould admitted that he used bribery and blackmail to buy up Erie Railroad stock options from towns along his routes, and that he used Fisk's methods to take over by force and violence when other methods failed. Gould,  furthermore, was by his own admission a raider and a ruiner. He had no interest in managing or improving railroads. He merely liked to drive a railroad's stock up, with rumors and with trading, and then sell it and let it collapse of its own inflated weight.

    "Going back to interest rates, the Nation did not have interest rate caps, or that is anti-usury laws until the 1865 National Currency Act. This was what was uppermost in President Lincoln's mind at the time he was killed. He was concerned. He could see what was happening. Of course, just a few years later,  by 1869 you had the same thing we have gone through in the wild eighties, the wild speculators, the attempt of these predators, like Jim Fisk and Gould to do such things as corner the bull market through conniving to bribe President Grant's brother-in-law and their total failure and inability to do it, but which sank the country and created scandal after scandal, not very different from what we have just come through in the eighties in the S&L scandals"25 (Congressman Gonzalez)

    In 1874 Joseph made a bid to Grant's new Secretary of the Treasury, Benjamin Bristow, to handle the sale of twenty five million worth of U.S. bonds.

---------------------------- continued next post -----------------------------------------
People who think they know everything, are particularly annoying to those of us that do.


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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #356 on: July 04, 2005, 08:16:12 pm »

And for Part TWO...... this will keep you busy for a while.....


    I have found more unrefutable information that further confirms the information in A COUNTRY DEFEATED IN VICTORY (part one).

    In A COUNTRY DEFEATED IN VICTORY (part one), I left out something important and was not aware of it. I made the statement that a few power-hungry Jews were the controlling influence behind the banks, I knew what I meant when I made this statement, but I did not qualify this statement. Because this is an important part to A Country Defeated In Victory (part one) I am going to take this opportunity to further clarify what I meant.

    All this is basic, but most people don't make the distinction that the Hebrew people are called Jews. Just like you might call an Irishman catholic, the word Jew describes a religion just as does the word catholic. Jesus made a distinction between Hebrews like Himself that were also known as Jews and those that called themselves Jews and were not. Jesus called these Jews Satan's seed. The Jews Jesus was pointing out were Satan's spiritual children. These are a group of people that wish to carry out Satan's will. They are responsible for killing the prophets of God and Jesus Christ. The Jews I referred to in A COUNTRY DEFEATED IN VICTORY (part one) are not servant's of God Almighty. How do you tell the difference between these men who claim to be Jews but are really Satan's seed? There's only two ways that I see in the Word of God, one is by being able to see these persons true spirit by the gift of spiritual discernment and the other is, you can always tell someone's true spiritual nature by their fruits (actions).

    I hope this explanation will clear up any mis-interpretation of what I said, when referring to some Jews that are not servants of God Almighty, and call themselves Jews. This is rather confusing because both groups go by the same name and claim the same roots, but Jesus made this distinction, so must I. One of the reasons these men hated Jesus was because He made this distinction and exposed them.

    The information that follows will trouble you greatly, because it will confirm to you that not only is the information true in this paper but also in "A COUNTRY DEFEATED IN VICTORY" (part one). You will be forced to accept the fact that the United States government and the media have kept this information from you. The information contained in this paper was taken out of actual government documents that cannot be rebutted. I'm going to lay this information out in such a way, as to try and make it easier to understand, and hopefully cause you to accept the truth. This information is rather laborious to read, but if you seek the truth you will take the time to study this information. So I offer this suggestion. If you find your mind starting to wander, stop reading until you are rested.

    The following was taken from a book entitled `Vindication', on pages 168-179, which was written by Judge Rutherford and appeared in a St. Louis Mo. in the 1890's:


Rothschild Brothers, Bankers,
London, England
June 25th, 1863

Messrs. Ikleheimer, Morton, and Vandergould,
No. 3 Wall St., New York, U.S.A.

Dear Sir:

    A Mr. John Sherman has written us from a town in Ohio, U.S.A., as to the profits that may be made in the National Banking business under a recent act of your Congress, a copy of which act accompanied his letter. Apparently this act has been drawn upon the plan formulated here last summer by the British  Bankers Association and by the Association RECOMMENDED TO OUR AMERICAN FRIENDS as one that if enacted into law, would prove highly profitable to the banking fraternity throughout the world.

    Mr. Sherman declares that there has never been such an opportunity for capitalists to accumulate money, as that presented by this act, and that the old plan of State Banks is so unpopular, that the new scheme will, by contrast, be most favorably regarded, notwithstanding the fact that it gives the National Banks an almost absolute control of the National finance. `THE FEW WHO CAN UNDERSTAND THE SYSTEM,' HE SAYS, `WILL EITHER BE SO INTERESTED IN ITS PROFITS, OR SO DEPENDENT OF ITS FAVORS THAT THERE WILL BE NO OPPOSITION FROM THAT CLASS, WHILE ON THE OTHER HAND, THE GREAT BODY OF PEOPLE, MENTALLY INCAPABLE OF COMPREHENDING THE TREMENDOUS ADVANTAGES THAT CAPITAL DERIVES FROM THE SYSTEM, WILL BEAR ITS BURDENS WITHOUT COMPLAINT AND PERHAPS WITHOUT EVEN SUSPECTING THAT THE SYSTEM IS INIMICAL TO THEIR INTERESTS.'

    Please advise fully as to this matter and also state whether or not you will be of assistance to us, if we conclude to establish a National Bank in the City of New York. If you are acquainted with Mr. Sherman we will be glad to know something of him. If we avail ourselves of the information he furnished, we will, of course, make DUE COMPENSATION." (emphasis mine)

"Awaiting your reply, we are
"Your respectful servants,

"Rothschild Brothers."

[Mr. Sherman was a member of Congress from 1860-1890, he was responsible for almost every banking legislation that was passed during that time.]

"New York City, July 6, 1863.
"Messrs. Rothschild Brothers
London, England

"Dear Sirs:

    We beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of June 25th, in which you refer to a communication received from the Hon. John Sherman of Ohio, with reference to the advantages and profits of an American investment under the provisions of our National Banking Act.

    "The fact that Mr. Sherman speaks well of such an investment or of any similar one, is certainly not without weight, for that gentleman possesses in a marked degree, the distinguishing characteristics of the successful financier. His temperament is such that whatever his feelings may be they never cause him to lose sight of the MAIN CHANCE. He is young, shrewd, and ambitious. He has fixed his eyes upon the Presidency of the United States and is already a member of Congress. He rightfully thinks he has everything to gain both politically and financially by being friendly with men and institutions having large
financial resources, and which at times, are not too particular in their methods, either of obtaining government aid, or of protecting themselves against unfriendly legislation. We trust him here implicitly. His intellect and ambition combine to make him exceedingly valuable to us, indeed, we predict that if his life is spared, he will prove to be the best fiend the moneyed interests of the world have ever had in America.

    "As to the organization of a National Bank here, and the nature and profits of such an investment, we beg leave to refer to our printed circular enclosed herein. Inquiries by European Capitalists, concerning this matter, have been so numerous, that for convenience, we have had our views with regard to it put into printed form.

    "Should you determine to organize a bank in the City, we shall be glad to aid you. We can easily find financial friends to make satisfactory directory, and to fill official positions not taken up by the personal representatives you will send over.

"Your most obedient servants,



"Private Bankers, Brokers, Financial Agents, etc.
"3 Wall Street, New York City

    "We have had so many inquiries of late as to the method of organizing national banks under the recent act of Congress, and as to the profits that may reasonably be expected from such an investment, that we have thought it best to issue this brief circular as an answer to all questions of our friends and clients:
"1-Any number of persons, not less than five, may organize a national banking corporation.
"2--Except in cities having 6,000 inhabitants or less, a national bank can not have less than $1,000,000 capital.
"3--They are private corporations organized for private gain, and select their own officers and employees.
"4--They are not subject to the control of the state laws, except as congress may from time to time provide.
"5--They can receive deposits and loan the same for their own benefit.
"6--They can buy and sell bonds, and discount paper and do a  general banking business.
"7--To start a national bank on the scale of $1,000,000 will require the purchase of that amount (par value) of U.S. Government bonds.
"8--U.S. Government bonds can now be purchased at 50 per cent discount, so that a bank of $1,000,000 capital can be started at this time with only $500,000.
"9--These bonds must be deposited with the U.S. Treasury at Washington as security for the national Bank currency, that on the making of the deposit will be furnished by the government to the bank.
"10-The U.S. Government will pay 6% interest on the bonds, in gold, the interest being paid semi-annually. It will be seen that at the present price bonds, the interest paid by the government itself, will of itself amount 12 per cent in gold, on all the money invested.
"11-The U.S. Government, under the provisions of the national banking act, on having the bonds aforesaid deposited with its treasurer, will on the strength of such security, furnish national currency to the bank depositing the bonds, at an annual interest of only ONE per cent per annum. Thus the deposit of $1,000,000 will secure the issue of $900,000 in currency.
"12-This currency is printed by the U.S. Government in a form so like greenback money, that many people do not detect the difference, although the currency is but a promise of the bank to pay-that is, it is the bank's demand note, and must be signed by the Bank's president before it can be used.
"13-The demand for money is so great that this currency can be readily loaned to the people across the counter of the bank at a discount at the rate of 10 per cent at 30 days' to 60 days' time, making it about 12 per cent interest on the currency.
"14-The interest on the bonds, plus the interest on the currency which the bonds secure, plus incidentals of the business ought to make the gross earnings of the bank amount to from 28 to 33 1/3 per cent. The amount of the dividends that may be declared will depend largely upon the salaries of the officers that the banks vote premises occupied by the bank as a place of business. In case it is thought best that the showing of profits should not appear too large, the now common plan of having the directors buy the bank building and then raising the rent and salary of the president and cashier may be adopted.
"15-National banks are privileged to either increase or contract their circulation at will, and, of course, can grant or withhold loans as they may see fit. As the banks have a national organization, and can easily act together in withholding loans or extending them, it follows that they can by united action in refusing to make loans, cause a stringency in the money market and in a single week or even in a single day cause a decline in all the products of the country. The tremendous possibilities of speculation involved in this control of the money of a country like the United States will be at once understood by all bankers.
"16-National banks pay no taxes on their bonds, nor on their capital, nor on their deposits. This exemption from taxation is based on the theory that the capital of these banks is invested in U.S. securities, and is a remarkable permission of the law.
"17-The secretary may deposit the public money with any bank at will, and to any amount. In the suit of Mr. Branch against the United States, reported in the 12th volume of the U.S. Court of Claims, Reports on Page 287, it was decided that such `Government deposits are rightfully mingled with other funds of the bank, and are loaned or otherwise employed in the ordinary business of the bank, and the bank becomes the debtor of the United States as it does to other depositors.' "Requesting that you will regard this as strictly confidential and soliciting any favors in our line.

"Most respectfully yours,


    The following is a speech given by Senator Daniel of Virginia, May 22, 1890, in Congress, and to be found in the Congressional Record, page 5128, of that date. He said:

    "I take from the Bankers Magazine of August, 1873, a little extract. It says, `In 1872 silver being demonetized in Germany, England, and Holland, a capital of 100,000 pounds ($500,000.00) was raised Ernest Seyd was sent to this country with this fund as agent for foreign bond holders to effect the same object (demonetization of silver)'."

    To further prove Senator Daniel's statement is correct, here is parts of a sworn affidavit made by Mr. Frederick A. Luckenbach and acknowledged before Mr. James A. Miller, Clerk of the Supreme Court of the State of Colorado. The affidavit follows:
"`State of Colorado
"`County of Arapahoe
"`* * * In 1865, I visited London, England, for the purpose of placing there Pennsylvania oil properties, in which I was interested. I took with me letters of introduction to many gentlemen in London, among them one to Mr. Ernest Seyd from Robert M. Foust, ex-treasurer of Philadelphia. I became well acquainted with Mr. Ernest Seyd, and with his brother, Richard Seyd, who, I understand is still living. I visited London thereafter, every year, and at each visit renewed my acquaintance with Mr. Seyd, and upon each occasion became his guest at one or more times--joining his family at dinner or other meals.

    "`In February, 1874, while on one of these visits, and while his guest for dinner, I, among other things, alluded to rumors of parliamentary corruption, and expressed astonishment that such corruption existed. In reply to this, he told me that he could relate facts about corruption of the American Congress that would place it far ahead of the English Parliament in that line. So far, the conversation was at the dinner table between us. His brother, Richard, and others were there also, but this was table talk between Mr. Ernest Seyd and myself. After dinner ended, he invited me into another room, where he resumed the conversation about legislative corruption. He said, "If you will pledge me your honor as a gentleman not to divulge what I am about to tell you while I live, I will convince you that what I said about American Congress is true." I gave him the promise and then he continued: "I went to America in the winter of 1872-3, authorized to secure, if I could, the passage of a bill demonetizing the value of silver. I represented--the GOVERNORS OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND--to have it done. I took with me 100,000 pounds sterling (500,000.00 United States money) with instructions that if it was not sufficient to accomplish the object to draw for another 100,000 pounds or as much more as was necessary." He told me that the German bankers were also interested in having it accomplished. He said" "I saw the committees of the House and Senate and paid the money and stayed in America until I knew the measure was safe." * * *

"`(Signed) James A. Miller
"`(Seal) Clerk Supreme Court,
"`State of Colorado.'"

    "The Congressional Record, of the 44th Congress, first session, volume 4, part 6, Appendix, page 197, Joseph Cannon said:

    "This legislation was had in the forty-second Congress, February 12, 1873, by a bill to regulate the mints of the United States, and practically abolish silver as money by failing to provide for the coinage of the silver dollar. It was not discussed, as shown by the Record, and neither members of Congress nor the people understood the scope of the legislation."

    "The Congressional Record, of the 44th Congress, first session, volume 4, part 6, Appendix, page 193, Mr Holman of Indiana, said:

    "I have before me the record of the proceedings of this House on the passage through this House was a `colossal swindle.' I assert that the measure never had the sanction of this House, and does not possess the moral force of law."

    "The Congressional Record, July 13, 1876, volume 4, part 5, page 4560, Mr. Burchard of Illinois said:

    "The Coinage Act of 1873 unaccompanied by any written report upon the subject from any committee, and unknown to the members of Congress who, without opposition allowed it to pass under the belief, if not assurance, that it made no alteration in the value of the current coins, or changed the unit of value from silver to gold."

Senator Voorhees of Indiana, Congressional Record, January 15, 1876, page 332, declared:
    "The silver dollar is peculiarly the laboring man's dollar as far as he may desire specie * * * throughout all financial panics that have assailed this country, no man has been bold enough to raise his hand to strike it down; no man has ever dared to whisper of a contemplated assault upon it and when dared to whisper of a contemplated assault upon it an when the 12th day of February, 1873, approached the day of doom to the American dollar of our fathers, how silent was the work of the enemy. * * * Its enactment there was as completely unknown to the people and indeed to four-fifths of Congress itself as the presence of a burglar in a house at midnight to its sleeping inmates."

The Congressional Record, volume 7, part 1, second session, 45 Congress, page 584, reveals that Mr. Bright of Tennessee said:
    "It (the bill demonetizing silver) passed by fraud in the House, never having been printed in advance, being a substitute for the printed bill; never having been read at the Clerk's desk, the reading having been dispensed with by an impression that the bill made no material alteration in the coinage laws; it was passed without discussion, being cut off by operation of the previous question. It was passed, to my certain information under such circumstances that the fraud escaped the attention of the most watchful as well as the ablest statesmen in Congress at the time. * * * Aye, sir, it was a fraud that smells to heaven."

    The following is an extract from Congressman Charles A. Lindbergh Sr's. book `Banking and Currency and The Money Trust', the father of "Lindy" Lindbergh. He says:

    "When the Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Bill was sprung in the House in its finished draft and ready for action to be taken, the debate was limited to three hours and Banker Vreeland placed in charge. It took so long for copies of the Bill to be gotten that many members were unable to secure a copy until a few minutes of the time to vote. No member who wished to present the people's side of the case was given sufficient time to enable him to properly analyze the Bill, I asked for time and was told that if I would vote for the Bill, it would be given me, but not otherwise. Others were treated in the same way.

    "Accordingly on June 20, 1908, the Money Trust won the first fight and the Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency Law was placed on the statute books. Thus was the first precedent established for the people's guarantee of the rich man's watered securities, by making them a basis on which to issue currency. It was the entering wedge. We had already guaranteed the rich man's money, now by this Act, the way was opened, and it was intended that we should guarantee their watered stocks and bonds. Of course, they were too keen to attempt to complete it in a single act, such an enormous steal as it would have been if they had included all they hoped ultimately to secure. They knew that  they would be caught at it if they did, and so it was planned that the whole thing should be done by a succession of Acts. The first three have taken place.

    "Act No. 1 was the manufacture, between 1896-1907, through stock gambling, speculation, and other devious methods and devices of tens of billions of watered stocks, bonds, and securities.

    "Act No. 2 was the panic of 1907, by which method those not favorable to the money trust could be squeezed out of business and the people frightened into demanding changes in the banking and currency laws which the Money Trust would frame.

    "The Act No. 3 was the passage of the Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency Bill by which the money trust's interests would have the privilege of securing from the Government currency on their watered stocks and securities. But while the Act contained no authority to change the form of the Bank notes, the U. S. Treasurer (in some way that I have been unable to find reason for) implied authority and changed the form of bank notes which were issued for the banks on Government bonds. These notes had hitherto printed on them, `This note is secured by bonds of the United States.' He changed it to read as follows: `This note is secured by bonds of the United States and other securities.' `Or other securities' is the addition that was secured by special interests.

    "The main thing, however, that the Money Trust accomplished as a result of the passing of this Act was the appointment of the National Monetary Commission, the membership of which was chiefly made up of bankers, agents, and attorneys, who have generally been educated in favor of, and to have a community interest with Money Trust. The National Monetary Commission was placed in charge of the same Senator Nelson W. Aldrich and Congressman Edward B. Vreeland, who respectively had charge in the Senate and House during the Act creating it.

    "The Act authorized this commission to spend money without stint or account. It spent over $300,000.00 in order to learn how to form a plan by which to create a greater money trust, and it afterwards recommended to Congress to give this proposed trust a fifty year charter by means of which it could rob all humanity. A bill for this purpose was introduced by members of the Monetary Commission and its passage planed to be the forth and final act of the campaign to completely enslave the people.

    "The fourth act, however, is in incubation only, and it is hoped by that time, we realize the danger that all of us are now in, for it is the final proposed legislation which, if it succeeds, will have us in the complete control of the moneyed interests. History records nothing so dramatic in design, nor so skillfully manipulated, as this attempt to create the National Reserve Association (`Federal Reserve System' *emphasis mine) otherwise called the Aldrich plan-and no fact or occurrence contemplated for the gaining of selfish ends is recorded in the world's records which equal the beguiling methods of this  colossal undertaking. Men, women, and children have been equally unconscious of how stealthily this greatest of all giant octopuses-a greater Money Trust is reaching out its tentacles in its efforts to bind all humanity in perpetual servitude to the greedy will of this monster.

    "I was in Congress when the panic of 1907 occurred, but I had previously familiarized myself with many of the ways of high financiers. As a result of what I discovered in that study, I set about to expose the Money Trust, the world's greatest financial giant. I knew that I could not succeed unless I could bring the public sentiment to my aid. I had to secure this or fail. The money trust had laid its plans long before and was already executing them. It was then, and still is TRAINING THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES, TO DEMAND THE ENACTMENT OF THE ALDRICH PLAN OR A BILL SIMILAR IN EFFECT. Hundreds of thousands of dollars had already been spent and millions more reserved to be used in the attempt to bring about a condition of public mind that would cause demand of the passage of the bill. If no other methods succeeded, it was planned to bring on a violent panic and rush  the bill through during the distress which should result from the panic. It was figured that the people would demand new banking and currency laws; that it would be impossible for them to get a definitely practical plan before Congress when they were in an excited state and that as a result, the Aldrich Plan would slip safely through. It was planned to pass that bill in the fall of 1911 or 1912."

    The United States government turned the control over its banking and monetary policy making over to the "Federal Reserve Board" December 23, 1913. Things seemed to be going well, the country was in a financial and industrial boom, remember the phrase, "the roaring twenties". The 1920's however proved to be the death of this country. There were many improprieties caused by the banking cartel. You will find proof of that in this paper. The crash of the stock market took place in 1929 and then in 1933 the confiscation of the rest of this country's gold and all property in America took place.

    The following Resolution was written by Eugene Meyers and the New York Bankers it was given to President Hoover at 10.00 p.m. March 3, 1933.

Resolution Adopted by the Federal Reserve Board of New York

    WHEREAS, In the opinion of the Board of Directors of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the continued and increasing withdrawal of currency and gold from the banks of the country has now created a national emergency, and
    WHEREAS, It is understood the adequate remedial measures cannot be enacted before tomorrow morning,
    NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, That in this emergency the Federal Reserve Board is hereby requested to urge the President of the United States to declare a bank holiday Saturday, March 4, and Monday, March 6, in order to afford opportunity to governmental authorities and banks themselves to take such measures as may be necessary to protect the interests of the people and promptly to provide adequate banking and credit facilities for all parts of the country.

Proposed Executive Order

    WHEREAS the nation's banking institution's are being subjected to heavy withdrawals of currency for hoarding; and
    WHEREAS there is increasing speculative activity in foreign exchanges; and
    WHEREAS these conditions have created a national emergency in which it is in the best interest of all bank depositors that a period of respite be provided with a view to preventing further hoarding of coin, bullion or currency or speculation in foreign exchange, and permitting the application of appropriate measures for dealing with the emergency in order to protect the interests of all the people; and
    WHEREAS it is provided in Section 5 (B) of the Act of October 6, 1917, as amended, that "The President may investigate, regulate, or prohibit, under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe, by means of licenses or otherwise, any transactions in foreign exchange and the export, hoarding, melting, or earmarking of gold or silver coin or bullion or currency * * *"; and
    WHEREAS it is provided in Section 16 of the said Act that "Whoever shall willfully violate any of the provisions of this Act or of any license, rule, or regulation issued thereunder, and whoever shall willfully violate, neglect, or refuse to comply with any order of the President issued in compliance with the provisions of this Act shall, upon conviction, be fined not more than $10,000, or, if a natural person, imprisoned for not more than ten years, or both * * *";
    NOW, THEREFORE, pursuant to the authority granted by said  Act, I hereby order, direct and declare that:
    1. From Saturday, the fourth day of March, to Tuesday, the Seventh day of March, Nineteen Hundred and Thirty Three, both dates inclusive, there shall be maintained and observed throughout the United States of America a bank holiday for all of the purposes hereinafter set forth;
    2. During said holiday, no banking institution as hereinafter defined shall pay out, export, earmark, or permit the withdrawal or transfer in any manner or by any device whatsoever of any gold or silver coin or bullion or currency or take any other action which might facilitate the hoarding thereof; nor shall any such banking institution pay out deposits, make loans or discounts, deal in foreign exchange, or transact any other banking business whatsoever.
    3. Upon the expiration of said holiday and until otherwise ordered by the President of the United States, such banking institutions may pay out, export, earmark or permit the withdrawal or transfer of gold or silver coin or bullion or currency, or deal in foreign exchange to extent as may be permitted by license or otherwise under regulations issued by the Secretary of the Treasury with the approval of the President.
    4. The Secretary of the Treasury, with the approval of the President, is authorized and empowered to prescribe such regulations as he may find necessary to carry out the purposes of the order.
    5. The term "banking institution" as herein used shall include all Federal reserve banks, national banking associations, banks trust companies, savings banks, building and loan associations, credit unions, or other corporations, partnerships, associations or persons engaged in the business of receiving deposits, making loans, discounting business paper, or transacting any other form of banking business.

The White House
March, 1933.

The following is a letter sent by President Hoover to Eugene Meyer:

My dear Governor Meyer:

    I received at half past one this morning your letter dated March 3rd. I must assume that this letter was written on the basis of information received by you prior to 11:30 o'clock last night for the reason that before your letter was sent you had certain information as follows:
    a. At 11 o'clock last night the President elect had informed me he did not wish such a proclamation issued.
    b. The Attorney General had renewed the same opinion which he had already given to the Board that the authorities on which you were relying were inadequate unless supported by the incoming Administration.
    c. That groups of representative bankers in both Chicago and New York, embracing members of the Board of Directors of the Federal Reserve Banks in those cities, were then in conference with the governors of the states of Illinois and New York, and that the governors of these two states were prepared to act if these representative groups so recommended. It appears that the governors did take action under their authorities, declaring a temporary holiday in these two critical states, and thus accomplishing the major purposes which the Board apparently had in mind.
    In view of the above I am at a loss to understand why such a communication should have been sent to me in the last few hours of this Administration, which I believe the Board must now admit was neither justified nor necessary.

Yours faithfully,

Herbert Hoover

[Hon. Eugene Meyer, Federal Reserve Board, Washington, D.C.]

    In the above letter President Hoover said that President elect Roosevelt said (11:00 pm March 3 1933) that he didn't see the necessity or urgency in issuing a proclamation concerning the supposed national emergency. What happened for President Roosevelt to make a radical 360 turn in his convictions just a few hours later. The following is an excerpt from his Inaugural Address:

    "I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken Nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
    But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis-broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe."
    The day after President Roosevelt's inauguration he issued proclamations in behalf of the Bankers. These acts were treason against the American people. President Roosevelt used a bold faced lie as to the reason and necessity for his actions. He said that this had to be done because of the hoarding of gold and silver being done by the American people. Most of the gold was stolen and removed from this country by the big New York Bankers. The Congressional record makes this fact clear.


    WHEREAS public interests require that the Congress of the United States should be convened in extra session at twelve o'clock, noon, on the Ninth day of March, 1933, to receive such communication as may be made by the Executive;
    NOW, Therefore, I, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim and declare that an extraordinary occasion requires the Congress of the United States to convene in extra session at the Capitol in the City of Washington on the Ninth day of March, 1933, at twelve o'clock, noon, of which all persons who shall at that time be entitled to act as members thereof are hereby required to take notice.
    IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I hereunto set my hand and caused to be affixed the great seal of the United States.
    DONE at the City of Washington this Fifth day of March, in the year of our Lord One Thousand Nine Hundred and Thirty-three, and [seal] of the Independence of the United States the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh.


By the President;
Cordell Hull
Secretary of State.

    This is a letter from President Roosevelt that was sent to the Congress describing the National Emergency. The first paragraph tells Congress that we are bankrupt. He doesn't use the word bankrupt, but this is obvious by the last sentence and further documentation in this paper.

A message from the President

    On March 3 banking operations in the United States ceased. To review at this time the causes of this failure of our banking system is unnecessary. Suffice it to say that the Government has been compelled to step in for the protection of depositors and the business of the Nation.
    Our first task is to reopen all sound banks. This is an essential preliminary to subsequent legislation directed against speculation with the funds of depositors and other violations of positions of trust.
    In order that the first objective--the opening of banks for the resumption of business--may be accomplished, I ask of the Congress the immediate enactment of legislation giving to the executive branch of the Government control over banks for the protection of depositors; authority forthwith to open such banks as have already been ascertained to be in sound condition, and other such banks, as rapidly as possible; and authority to reorganize and reopen such banks as may be found to require reorganization to put them on a sound basis. [*note-here he asks for special power for the executive branch. Who's he talking about? He's talking about the office of the President and the Treasury. Why? Because in bankruptcy, protection is provided for the debtors, you'll see later that you are the debtor.]
    I ask amendments to the Federal Reserve Act to provide for such additional currency, adequately secured, as it may become necessary to issue to meet all demands for currency and at the same time to achieve this end without increasing the unsecured indebtedness of the Government of the United States.
    I cannot too strongly urge upon the Congress the clear necessity for immediate action. A continuation of the strangulation of banking facilities is unthinkable. The passage of the proposed legislation will end this condition and, I trust, within a short space of time will result in a resumption of business activities.
    In addition, it is my belief that this legislation will not only lift immediately all unwarranted doubts and suspicions in regard to banks which are 100 percent sound but will also mark the beginning of a new relationship between the banks and the people of the country.
    The Members of the new Congress will realize, I am confident, the grave responsibility which lies upon me and upon them.
    In the short space of 5 days it is impossible for us to formulate completed measures to prevent the recurrence of the evils of the past. This does not and should not, however, justify any delay in accomplishing this first step.
    At an early moment I shall request of the Congress two other measures which I regard as of immediate urgency. With action taken thereon we can proceed to the consideration of a rounded program of national restoration.

Franklin D. Roosevelt.

The White House, March 9, 1933




    WHEREAS there have been heavy and unwarranted withdrawals of gold and currency from our banking institutions for the purpose of hoarding; and
    WHEREAS continuous and increasingly extensive speculative activity abroad in foreign exchange has resulted in severe drains on the Nation's stocks of gold; and
    WHEREAS these conditions have created a national emergency; and

    WHEREAS it is in the best interests of all bank depositors that a period of respite be provided with a view to preventing further hoarding of coin, bullion or currency or speculation in foreign exchange and permitting the application of appropriate measures to protect the interests of our people; and
    WHEREAS it is provided in Section 5 (B) of the Act of October 6, 1917, (40 stat. L. 411) as amended, "That the President may investigate, regulate, or prohibit, under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe, by means of licenses or otherwise, any transactions in foreign exchange and the export, hoarding, melting, or earmarking of gold or silver coin or bullion or currency * * * "; and
    WHEREAS it is provided in Section 16 of the said Act "that whoever shall willfully violate any of the provisions of this Act or of any license, rule, or regulation issued thereunder, and whoever shall willfully violate, neglect, or refuse to comply with any order of the President issued in compliance with the provisions of this Act, shall, upon conviction, be fined not more than $10,000, or, if a natural person, imprisoned for not more than ten years, or both; * * * "
    NOW THEREFORE, I, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, in view of such national emergency and by virtue of the authority vested in me by said Act and in order to prevent the export, hoarding, or earmarking of gold or silver coin or bullion or currency, do hereby proclaim, order, direct and declare that from Monday, the sixth day of March, to Thursday, the ninth day of March, Nineteen Hundred and Thirty Three, both dates inclusive, there shall be maintained and observed by all banking institutions and all branches thereof located in the United States of America, including the territories and insular possessions, a bank holiday, and that during said period all banking transactions shall be suspended. During such holiday, excepting as hereinafter provided, no such banking institution or branch shall pay out, export, earmark, or permit the withdrawal or transfer in any manner or by any device whatsoever, of any gold or silver coin or bullion or currency or take any other action which might facilitate the hoarding thereof; nor shall any such banking institution or branch pay out deposits, make loans or discounts, deal in foreign exchange, transfer credits from the United States to any place abroad, or transact any other banking business whatsoever.
    During such holiday, the Secretary of the Treasury, with the approval of the President and under such regulations as he may prescribe, is authorized and empowered (a) to permit any or all of such banking institutions to perform any or all of the usual banking functions, (B) to direct, require or permit the issuance of clearing house certificates or other evidences of claims against assets of banking institutions, and © to authorize and direct the creation in such banking institutions of special trust accounts for the receipt of new deposits which shall be subject to withdrawal on demand without any restriction or limitation and shall be kept separately in cash or on deposit in Federal Reserve Banks or invested in obligations of the United States.
    As used in this order the term "banking institutions" shall include all Federal Reserve banks, national banking associations, banks, trust companies, savings banks, building and loan associations, credit unions, or other corporations, partnerships, associations or persons, engaged in the business of receiving deposits, making loans discounting business paper, or transacting any other form of banking business.
    IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
    Done in the City of Washington this 6th day of March-1 A.M. in the year of our Lord One Thousand Nine Hundred and Thirty-Three, and of the Independence of the United States the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh.


By the President:
Cordell Hull
Secretary of State.
[No. 2039]


MARCH 6, 1933]

    WHEREAS, on March 6, 1933, I, FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, President of the United States of America, by Proclamation declared the existence of a national emergency and proclaimed a bank holiday extending from Monday the 6th day of March to Thursday the 9th day of March, 1933, both dates inclusive, in order to prevent the export, hoarding or earmarking of gold or silver coin, or bullion or currency, or speculation in foreign exchange; and
    WHEREAS, under the Act of March 9, 1933, all Proclamations heretofore or hereafter issued by the President pursuant to the authority conferred by section 5 (B) of the Act of October 6, 1917, as amended, are approved and confirmed; and
    WHEREAS, said national emergency still continues, and it is necessary to take further measures extending beyond March 9, 1933, in order to accomplish such purposes:
    NOW, THEREFORE, I, FRANKLIN D, ROOSEVELT, President of the United States of America, in view of such continuing national emergency and by virtue of the authority vested in me by Section 5 (B) of the Act of October 6, 1917 (40 Stat. L., 411) as amended by the Act of March 9, 1933, do hereby proclaim, order, direct and declare that all the terms and provisions of said Proclamation of March 6, 1933, and the regulations and orders issued thereunder are hereby continued in full force and effect until further proclamation by the President.
    IN WITNESS WHEREOF I have hereunto set my hand and have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

    Done in the District of Columbia, this 9th day of March, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Nine Hundred and Thirty-Three, and of the Independence of the United States the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh.


By the President:
Cordell Hull
Secretary of State.

[No. 2040]

March 9, 1933

    The next several pages contain excerpts from the congressional  record. I have them broken down into different subjects. This information will teach you what took place in 1933 and how the American people have been defrauded.


Senator Long
    Mr. President, the condition of our State banks is due to the impositions of the big banks. They have loaded us down with their own collateral that they did not want themselves. They have filled our banks with German bonds and German marks. They have given us everything they did not want themselves.
[March 9, 1933]

Congressman Patman
    The result is the banks have become indebted to their depositors to the extent of $45,000,000,000 and have in their vaults less than $1,000,000,000 to pay it with. [March 9, 1933]

Congressman Patman
    Does the gentleman believe in Government by secrecy? Secrecy is a badge of fraud. That is one thing that is wrong with our country now. We have a Government that is secretly administered....Mr. [J. P.] Morgan wants the loans made by the Reconstruction Finance Corporation secret so the people cannot find out if he takes advantage of the Government as he did in the Missouri-Pacific Railroad case. [March 13, 1933]

Congressman Dies
    *My investigation convinced me that during the last quarter of a century the average production of gold has been falling off considerably. The gold mines of the world are practically exhausted. There is only about $11,000,000,000 in gold in the world, with the United States owning a little more than four billions. We have more than $100,000,000,000 in debts payable in gold of the present weight and fineness....As a practical proposition these contracts cannot be collected in gold for the obvious reason that the gold supply of the entire world is not sufficient to make payment. [March 15, 1933]
    What Nation on earth would enter into contracts with other individuals and nations; which are payable in gold (real money) totaling one hundred billion dollars, knowing that we had in this country only four billion dollars? Is this not fraud? If a nation owes one hundred billion dollars, which is more money than they have in assets, and there is only eleven billion dollars in gold in the whole world, is not that country bankrupt? I believe this little known fact was used to black mail congress into turning over our nation to the BANKSTERS in return for not exposing them through foreclosure. As a result of congress passing the BANKSTERS legislation; were not all gold contracts made null and void; thereby forgiving these debts, just as in
bankruptcy? Was not all gold owned by the government and private individuals turned over to the BANKSTERS. As a result the American people were given worthless bank notes while the BANKSTERS used real money, which was stolen from America and her people, to enslave the rest of the world. What took place in 1933 and going back to at least 1913, when the Federal Reserve Act was passed; was most certainly fraud and violated the Constitution. Thereby, making every piece of social legislation that is based on contribution or obligation created by this fraud null and void. The problem is when you have the Executive  branch, Congress and the Courts protecting the BANKSTERS interest, change is unlikely. If a majority of Americans voted out the BANKSTERS yes men and informed them the debt they created through usury and fraud is null and void, the country could be saved. Will this happen? No! And the BANKSTERS know it.

Due Process

Senator Vandenberg
    But I have no opportunity to proceed in the direction that I want to go. I have no chance, under summary circumstances such as exist here tonight, to proceed constructively in the fashion that I believe would best conserve the savings of the American people. I must vote either "yes" or "no" upon a formula that I never even saw until 2 hours ago. [March 9, 1933]

Congressman Luce
    It is, of course, out of the question, Mr. Speaker, that any man can grasp the full meaning of that bill by listening to its reading, having had no intimation whatever beforehand of what it contains. [March 9, 1933]

Congressman McFadden
    Mr. Speaker, I regret that the membership of the House has had no opportunity to consider or even read this bill. The first opportunity I had to know what this legislation is was when it was read from the Clerk's desk. It is an important banking bill. It is a dictatorship over finance in the United States. It is complete control over the banking system in the United States....This gives supreme authority to those people who have wanted to control the finances of this Government, through a centralized system, to have such a system....If, on the other hand, this bill has been proposed and written by the same  influences that are responsible for this financial situation, I shall fight it and do everything that I can to defeat it....I can see much in this bill that can be abused and that may have been dictated by the same banking influences that are responsible for our present predicament. [March 9, 1933]

Congressman Lundeen
    The bill has been driven through the House with cyclonic speed after 40 minutes' debate, 20 minutes for the minority and 20 minutes for the majority.
    I have demanded a roll call, but have been unable to get the attention of the Chair....The great majority of the Members have been unable to get a minute's time to discuss this bill; we have been refused a roll call; and we have been refused recognition by the Chair....I want to put myself on record against a procedure of this kind and against the use of such methods in passing legislation affecting millions of lives and billions of dollars....It is safe to say that in normal times, after careful study of a printed copy and after careful debated and consideration, this bill would never have passed this House or any other House. Its passage could be accomplished only by rapid procedure, hurried and hectic debate, and a general rush for voting without roll call....I am suspicious of this  railroading of bills through our House of Representatives, and I refuse to vote for a measure unseen and unknown.
    I want the Record to show that I was, and am, against this bill and this method of procedure; and I believe no good will come out of it for America.
[March 9, 1933]

Senator Long
    We were told on Thursday afternoon that the banks were going to open on Friday morning, and thereupon the legislation was passed. The banks have not opened yet, Mr President; they are not going to open today; and no one knows how many and when any of them are going to open. [March 11, 1933]

Senator Robinson of Indiana
    Nobody had an opportunity to read it. It was passed "sight unseen." [March 11, 1933]

Senator Robinson of Indiana
    Mr. President, I would like to invite the attention of the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. Long] to this colloquy between himself and the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Glass], which took place last Thursday on this floor:

    Mr. Long. As I understand, the State banks, under the observation of my distinguished friend from Pennsylvania, are allowed to borrow from member banks. I should like to know about how much help they are going to get from member banks when they are closed today, and it is taking all the power of the Government to enable them to open.

    Mr. Glass. They are not going to get anything today, and they will not get anything tomorrow if this legislation is defeated here in the Senate; but if this legislation is enacted, they will have access to banks representing 64 percent of the resources of the Federal Reserve Banking System.

    It had to be done by midnight, and all Members stayed here and heard the Senator from Virginia make that statement. It was assumed, of course, that a vote against the measure would make it impossible for the banks to open yesterday morning. A vote for it would permit the banks to open. They are still closed, I submit to my friend from Louisiana, and may be closed for some time to come. The legislation was rushed through as a result of statements made here by those who were at least charged with knowledge that it would permit the banks to open the next morning; otherwise anyone who voted against the measure would impede the return of prosperity and the reopening of the banks. They are still closed.

    I think the Senator from Louisiana has a great deal of company in this body who would join him in destroying their votes if they could. The measure was passed without anybody's understanding it at all. I hope nothing like that will ever again be attempted. [March 11, 1933]

[This is happening again Americans, with the crime bill and the health care bill. How long will the American people remain asleep, and go along to get along.]



Senator La Follette

    It is moreover provided that the Reconstruction Finance Corporation may purchase in unlimited amounts preferred stock of the reorganized banks and subsequently sell such preferred stock in the open market. These powers will vest in the financial interests of New York a virtual dictatorship over the banking of the entire Nation. [March 9, 1933]

Congressman Steagall
    The first provision of the bill (the banking bill passed March 9, 1933) validates and maintains the authority exercised by the President of the United States in the proclamation relating to the banks of the Nation issued by the President on March 6, 1933.
    Section 2 confers upon the President the powers bestowed under the act of October 6, 1917, regardless of whether or not the country is involved in war.
    Section 3 gives authority to regulate transactions in gold and to exercise such powers as are required from time to time to conserve our supply of gold to prevent hoarding and to protect the currency of the United States.
    Section 4 confers specific authority to control the banking operations of national banks and State banks that are members of the Federal Reserve System to the end that the public may have restored to them, at the earliest possible hour, such banking as may be afforded by banks that are in position to transact banking activities without restriction. [March 9, 1933

New Money

Congressman McFadden
    The current press reports indicate there will be issued under this authority some $2,000,000 or more of new currency, and made available to the banks. Is that correct?

Congressman Steagall
    To be frank with the gentleman, I should not like to be bound in my answer by estimates outlined in newspaper reports. The issue might greatly exceed the amount suggested.

Congressman McFadden
    Will the gentleman say how much it is possible to be issued or is contemplated to be issued?

Congressman Steagall
    No one knows. It is not an arbitrary expansion. The purpose is to provide an elastic expansion to meet the exigencies and development of banking and business conditions.

Congressman McFadden
    I think it is fairly clear from the colloquy that has just taken place that the increased Federal Reserve circulation is to be in the form of Federal Reserve bank notes and not the present Federal Reserve notes that are in circulation to the extent of approximately $4,000,000,000, which are secured by 60 percent of eligible paper or Government bonds and 40 percent of gold. This is a new issue which is authorized under the Federal Reserve Act, which has not to any great extent been resorted to heretofore.

Congressman Britten
    Will the gentleman yield for a question?

Congressman McFadden
    I will.

Congressman Britten
    From my observation of the bill as it was read to the House, it would appear that the amount of bank notes that might be issued by the Federal Reserve System is not limited. That will depend entirely upon the amount of collateral that is presented from time to time for exchange for bank notes. Is that not correct.

Congressman McFadded
    Yes. I think that is correct.

Congressman Britten
    So that it might run to $20,000,000,000?

Congressman McFadden
    In the discretion of the President and the Secretary of the Treasury. These notes are to be secured by assets that are approved, that are turned over by financial institutions to the Treasury of the United States.[March 9, 1933]


Congressman Rankin
    Those influences and individuals most responsible for the direful conditions through which we are now passing have resisted us at every point. We have been ridiculed and abused by the very money changers whose misconduct produced this terrible panic, with all its misery, its poverty, its hunger, its human suffering and human distress. "Whatsoever man soweth, that shall he also reap." The very ones who sowed the seeds of this panic are now reaping the fruits of their own misconduct as they see their monetary Tower of Babel crash amid a confusion of tongues. [March 9, 1933]

Senator Long
    I am sorry to say--some of our own councils; there is not any difference; the same men who sat and conferred about the kind of financial policy that was going to govern this country--Mr. Parker Gilbert, of J. P. Morgan & Co.; Eugene Meyer, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, and Mr. Ogden L. Mills, together with the distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. Glass]--have every one had their finger in the pie during the last 20 years. There has not been any difference in what they advocated then and what they are advocating now, and they are doing now just what they have done for the last 12 years....Here in the United States the Federal Reserve System has been dominated and controlled, and the financial structure of America has been dominated, controlled, and negotiated through a certain little clique, and it has brought this country to wreck and to ruin; and now we have the same set here giving us orders to close 90 percent of the banks in the United States and open 10 percent, and we are still following that kind of prophet....Had I been the President of the United States--and I guess it is a good thing that I never was--I never would have sent for Eugene Meyer, the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. He has been here, the carcass hovering over the lives and fortunes of these people, for many, many years. He has been the raven that has said to the American people. "Nevermore!"

    Food could not be had for the people, but it can be had for  the financial barons. The land had become barren of a means of  exchange to live upon, and when they had killed their neighbors,  and their brothers, and starved their children to death, broke  their banks, depopulated their houses, wrecked their firesides,  then they came and said, "Oh, yes, inflation is necessary, not to  save the people of the United States, but to save us, who have  been guilty of the destruction from which this country is now suffering."

    That is the equity of what we are about to do. Yes; you are going to close us down. Yes; you have already closed us down, and have been doing it long before this year. Our President says that for 3 years we have been on the way to bankruptcy. We have been on the way to bankruptcy longer than 3 years. We have been on the way to bankruptcy ever since we began to allow the financial mastery of this country gradually to get into the hands of a little clique that has held it right up until they would send us to the grave.

    In 1 month we have been told that there could be no medium of exchange allowed under the United States Government, because, they said, if we inflate, it will destroy the credit of the United States Government. But today, when they have closed down all the banks, they come back and say, "No; it will not ruin the credit of the United States Government to inflate, but you must inflate for the financial masters and not for the people." They have come back, Mr. President, and they have said, "We have decided to inflate." Abel and Cain have become the same the man. Ephraim is joined to his idols; let him alone. They have come back and said. "We have to inflate, but we are going to inflate and keep open the big masters who have wrecked and destroyed the communities and the banks and have ruined the hopes for the present time of the people of the United States living in the  country. We are going to save the big masters, who have compelled it, and condemn to an eternal damnation, to hell and destruction every man who was outside this clique that brought this wreckage onto the people of the United States."

    You cannot blame the consequences upon anybody except yourselves, because you have come back and said, "Oh, what you have prescribed is necessary for the life of the country, but we are not going to let any part of the country have it except a few financial masters that we have seen fit to prefer."

    Mr. President, I am sorry for the vote I cast on Thursday night. I voted for the bill. I did not have an opportunity to read it at all, except while the clerk was reading it at the desk....I am sorry for that vote. I wonder if I could get unanimous consent to withdraw my vote and have it entered "nay"? I do not know what the rule is, but if I could do that, I would like to have it done....But I am very sorry for the vote I cast. I promise the Senate I will never again be a party to anything like that. Never again will I be a party to bringing a bill in and swallowing it hook, line, and sinker as I did that day.

    I want to compliment the Senators who did not vote for the bill. They showed more sense than I did. If I ever do such a thing again, I want to be bored for the hollow horn....But it seems I have hoped in vain, and therefore the basis on which I cast my vote was a faulty one and I regret having voted that way.

[March 11, 1933]


Congressman Patman
    Something has to be done now, and while we are clamoring to do something for the aid and benefit of the people in this crisis, the powerful bankers who have caused it and brought ruin to our country are at the doors of Congress, under the guise of promoting the general welfare, endeavoring to get a stronger grip on the throats of the American people and endeavoring to get more privileges and monopolies by reason of the distress that they have brought upon our country.

....Why is it necessary to have Government ownership and operation of banks? Let us go back to the Constitution of the United States and follow it, and this country will be safe. Give the people the truth at all times; do not deceive them, do not keep anything from them, but at all times and under all conditions tell them the truth about economic conditions. Jefferson was right when he said, "When the people get the truth, the country is safe." The trouble is that during the last few months and years the great metropolitan daily newspapers have printed only one side of a proposition; they have failed to give the people the facts. The same criticism can be urged against the radio, screen, and stage.

    The Constitution of the United States says that Congress shall coin money and regulate its value. That does not mean, and I do not believe that anyone can construe it to mean, that the Congress of the United States, composed of the duly elected representatives of the people, have a ri
People who think they know everything, are particularly annoying to those of us that do.


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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #357 on: July 04, 2005, 08:23:12 pm »

now, i grew up in the Soviet Union, so you may just dismiss.  in any case, remember governments neeeeeeeeeeeed to keeep order.  their ways differ overtly, it remains the same when you get your milk jug and the cream rises to the top.  i've read northwoods, i've thought the towers were "pulled" including building seven.  i've studied law and practice it.  i guess talking about it is necessary to a point.  lead people to more reliable sources!  lead people to the folks that had a hand in it all.  if I were to say that every cafe or bar had KGB in it listening for things- even if they couldn't hear a damn thing- many would say i was a conspiracy nut.  take any of this "information" but lead people to where they need to be to stop it, besides Alex Jones, whom I respect.  Do you know how my father, my brother, and myself learned of the hows and whys?  The streets talked.  You deduced information of course, but you also had informants of your own.  Call it mafia, or whatever you want, but when we got out of the cafe, it was time to take action.  some of it involved changing habits, much of it involved exposing those that were involved in an intelligent way.  think about it.  in order to thwart these conspiracies-true or not-it was necessary to have power and not a newsgroup.  i appreciate what goes on here, but until the real world beyond the boards takes hold, the biggest conspiracy is the one that sits around and thinks.  take what you've heard, what's in your heart, in your soul, and act- and that doesn't mean violence.  expose in an intelligent way.  be an intelligence agency, perhaps with a group of friends.  tyranny can be slowed, not stopped, short of the unmentionables.  be there for your friends, but remember to expose, expose , expose in a way the, what you call "sheep" understand, constantly, on the streets!

Whatcha say?

take it easy

post edited to add something.
« Last Edit: July 04, 2005, 08:40:30 pm by JustaCaveman »

Elias Alias

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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #358 on: July 04, 2005, 11:08:37 pm »

Salute, F42; thanks for posting that. Here is something to go with it.


From here on July 04, 2005


Thomas Jefferson

The privilege of giving or withholding moneys is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative which if left altogether without control may be exercised to our great oppression; and all history shows how efficacious its intercession for redress of grievances and reestablishment of rights, and how improvident would be the surrender of so powerful a mediator.

Jesus of Nazareth

Woe unto you, ye blind guides, which say, Whosoever shall swear by the temple, it is nothing; but whosoever shall swear by the gold of the temple, he is a debtor!

John Maynard Keynes

If the Treasury were to fill old bottles with bank-notes, bury them at suitable depths in disused coal-mines which are then filled up to the surface with town rubbish, and leave it to private enterprise on well-tried principles of laissez-faire to dig the notes up again (the right to do so being obtained, of course, by tendering for leases of the note-bearing territory), there need be no more unemployment and, with the help of repercussions, the real income of the community, and its capital wealth, would probably become a good deal greater than it actually is.

William Lyon Mackenzie King

Once a nation parts with the control of its currency and credit, it matters not who makes the nations laws. Usury, once in control, will wreck any nation. Until the control of the issue of currency and credit is restored to government and recognized as its most sacred responsibility, all talk of the sovereignty of parliament and of democracy is idle and futile.
Paul Kirk

I hate this "crime doesn't pay" stuff. Crime in the U.S. is perhaps one of the biggest businesses in the world today.
Richard Lamm

Christmas is a time when kids tell Santa what they want and adults pay for it. Deficits are when adults tell the government what they want and their kids pay for it.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

The way to crush the bourgeoisie is to grind them between the millstones of taxation and inflation.
G. Gordon Liddy

A liberal is someone who feels a great debt to his fellow man, which debt he proposes to pay off with your money.
Abraham Lincoln

The government should create, issue, and circulate all the currency and credits needed to satisfy the spending power of the government and the buying power of consumers. By adoption of these principles, the taxpayers will be saved immense sums of interest. Money will cease to be master and become the servant of humanity.
Charles A. Lindbergh, Sr.

This Act (the Federal Reserve Act, Dec. 23rd 1913) establishes the most gigantic trust on earth. When the President (Woodrow Wilson) signs the Bill, the invisible government of the Monetary Power will be legalised... The worst legislative crime of the ages is perpetrated by this banking and currency Bill.
James Madison

If Congress can employ money indefinitely to the general welfare, and are the sole and supreme judges of the general welfare, they may take the care of religion into their own hands; they may appoint teachers in every State, county and parish and pay them out of their public treasury; they may take into their own hands the education of children, establishing in like manner schools throughout the Union; they may assume the provision of the poor; they may undertake the regulation of all roads other than post-roads; in short, every thing, from the highest object of state legislation down to the most minute object of police, would be thrown under the power of Congress... Were the power of Congress to be established in the latitude contended for, it would subvert the very foundations, and transmute the very nature of the limited Government established by the people of America.
James Madison

I cannot undertake to lay my finger on that article of the Constitution which granted a right to Congress of expending, on the objects of benevolence, the money of their constituents.
James Madison

History records that the money changers have used every form of abuse, intrigue, deceit, and violent means possible to maintain their control over governments by controlling the money and its issuance.
George W. Malone

I believe that if the people of this nation fully understood what Congress has done to them over the last 49 years, they would move on Washington; they would not wait for an election... It adds up to a preconceived plan to destroy the economic and social independence of the United States!
Matthew 20:15

Don't I have the right to do what I want with my own money?
William R. Mattox, Jr.

In 1950, the average family of four paid 2% of its earnings to federal taxes. Today it pays 24%.
W. Somerset Maugham

If a nation values anything more than freedom, it will lose its freedom; and the irony of it is that if it is comfort or money that it values more, it will lose that, too.
Louis McFadden

We have in this country one of the most corrupt institutions the world has ever known. I refer to the Federal Reserve Board and the Federal Reserve Banks, hereinafter called the FED. They are not government institutions. They are private monopolies which prey upon the people of these United States for the benefit of themselves and their foreign customers.
Louis McFadden

The Federal Reserve (Banks) are one of the most corrupt institutions the world has ever seen. There is not a man within the sound of my voice who does not know that this Nation is run by the International Bankers.
J. P. Morgan

Capital must protect itself in every way... Debts must be collected and loans and mortgages foreclosed as soon as possible. When through a process of law the common people have lost their homes, they will be more tractable and more easily governed by the strong arm of the law applied by the central power of leading financiers. People without homes will not quarrel with their leaders. This is well known among our principle men now engaged in forming an imperialism of capitalism to govern the world. By dividing the people we can get them to expend their energies in fighting over questions of no importance to us except as teachers of the common herd.
Russell Munk

Federal Reserve Notes Are Not Dollars.
Ralph Nader

Is there a number or mark planned for the hand or forehead in a new cashless society? YES, and I have seen the machines that are now ready to put it into operation.
Ralph Nader

What we have now is democracy without citizens. No one is on the public's side. All the buyers are on the corporation's side. And the bureaucrats in the administration don't think the government belongs to the people.
P. J. O'Rourke

When buying and selling are controlled by legislation, the first things to be bought and sold are legislators.
P. J. O'Rourke

Giving money and power to government is like giving whiskey and car keys to teenage boys.
Wright Patman

The dollar represents a one dollar debt to the Federal Reserve System. The Federal Reserve Banks create money out of thin air to buy Government Bonds from the U.S. Treasury...and has created out of nothing a ... debt which the American people are obliged to pay with interest.
Shirley Peterson

Eight decades of amendments... to (the) code have produced a virtually impenetrable maze... The rules are unintelligible to most citizens... The rules are equally mysterious to many government employees who are charged with administering and enforcing the law.

Money, it has been said, is the cause of good things to a good man, of evil things to a bad man.

The real destroyer of the liberties of the people is he who spreads among them bounties, donations and benefits.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

The real truth of the matter is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the large centers has owned the government of the U.S. since the days of Andrew Jackson.
Mayer Amschel Rothschild

Give me control of a nation's money and I care not who makes the laws.
Warren Rudman

The blame for [the national debt] lies with the Congress and the President, with Democrats and Republicans alike, most all of whom have been unwilling to make the hard choices or to explain to the American people that there is no such thing as a free lunch.
John Ruskin

There is no wealth but life.
George Bernard Shaw

A government which robs Peter to pay Paul can always depend on the support of Paul.
George Bernard Shaw

Lack of money is the root of all evil.
George Bernard Shaw

You are going to let the fear of poverty govern your life and your reward will be that you will eat, but you will not live.
George Bernard Shaw

If all economists were laid end to end, they would not reach a conclusion.
John Sherman

The few who could understand the system will either be so interested in its profits, or so dependent on its favours, that there will be no opposition from that class, while on the other hand, the great body of the people mentally incapable of comprehending the tremendous advantage that capital derives from the system, will bear its burdens without complaint, and perhaps without even suspecting that the system is inimical to their interests.
Adam Smith

Every man, as long as he does not violate the laws of justice, is left perfectly free to pursue his own interest his own way, and to bring both his industry and capital into competition with those of any other man or order of men.
Joseph Sobran

At the end of a century that has seen the evils of communism, Nazism and other modern tyrannies, the impulse to centralize power remains amazingly persistent.
Frederick Soddy

The whole profit of the issuance of money has provided the capital of the great banking business as it exists today. Starting with nothing whatever of their own, they have got the whole world into their debt irredeemably, by a trick. This money comes into existence every time the banks 'lend' and disappears every time the debt is repaid to them. So that if industry tries to repay, the money of the nation disappears. This is what makes prosperity so 'dangerous' as it destroys money just when it is most needed and precipitates a slump. There is nothing left now for us but to get ever deeper and deeper into debt to the banking system in order to provide the increasing amounts of money the nation requires for its expansion and growth. An honest money system is the only alternative.
Lysander Spooner

The principle that the majority have a right to rule the minority, practically resolves all government into a mere contest between two bodies of men, as to which of them shall be masters, and which of them slaves; a contest, that -- however bloody -- can, in the nature of things, never be finally closed, so long as man refuses to be a slave.
Sir Josiah Stamp

Banking was conceived in iniquity and was born in sin. The Bankers own the earth. Take it away from them, but leave them the power to create deposits, and with the flick of the pen they will create enough deposits to buy it back again. However, take it away from them, and all the great fortunes like mine will disappear and they ought to disappear, for this would be a happier and better world to live in. But, if you wish to remain the slaves of Bankers and pay the cost of your own slavery, let them continue to create deposits.
Edwin Way Teale

It is morally as bad not to care whether a thing is true or not, so long as it makes you feel good, as it is not to care how you got your money as long as you have it.
Henry David Thoreau

Rather than love, than money, than fame, give me truth.
Henry David Thoreau

That man is richest whose pleasures are cheapest.
James A. Traficant, Jr.

Mr. Speaker, in 1848, Karl Marx said, a progressive income tax is needed to transfer wealth and power to the state. Thus, Marx's Communist Manifesto had as its major economic tenet a progressive income tax. Think about it, 1848 Karl Marx, Communism.... I say it is time to replace the progressive income tax with a national retail sales tax, and it is time to abolish the IRS, my colleagues. I yield back all the rules, regulations, fear, and intimidation of our current system.
Mark Twain

A banker is a fellow who lends you his umbrella when the sun is shining and wants it back the minute it begins to rain.
Leon Uris

Terrorism is the war of the poor. War is the terrorism of the rich.

In general, the art of government consists in taking as much money as possible from one party of the citizens to give to the other.
Ludwig von Mises

Government cannot make man richer, but it can make him poorer.
Ludwig von Mises

The common man is the sovereign consumer whose buying or abstention from buying ultimately determines what should be produced and in what quantity and quality.
James Paul Warburg

We shall have World Government, whether or not we like it. The only question is whether World Government will be achieved by conquest or consent.
George Washington

Few men have virtue to withstand the highest bidder.
Woodrow Wilson

We have come to be one of the worst ruled, one of the most completely controlled and dominated Governments in the world.
Woodrow Wilson

I am a most unhappy man. I have unwittingly ruined my country. A great industrial nation is controlled by its system of credit. Our system of credit is concentrated. The growth of the nation, therefore, and all our activities are in the hands of a few men. We have come to be one of the worst ruled, one of the most completely controlled and dominated governments in the civilized world. No longer a government by free opinion, no longer a government by conviction and the vote of the majority, but a government by the opinion and duress of a small group of dominant men.

"Heirs to self-knowledge shed gently their fears..."

George Potter

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Conspiracy Theory
« Reply #359 on: July 04, 2005, 11:22:46 pm »

Jesus of Nazareth

Woe unto you, ye blind guides, which say, Whosoever shall swear by the temple, it is nothing; but whosoever shall swear by the gold of the temple, he is a debtor!


You come along. . . tearing your shirt. . . yelling about
     Where do you get that stuff?
     What do you know about Jesus?
Jesus had a way of talking soft and outside of a few
     bankers and higher-ups among the con men of Jerusalem
     everybody liked to have this Jesus around because
     he never made any fake passes and everything
     he said went and he helped the sick and gave the
     people hope.

You come along squirting words at us, shaking your fist
     and calling us all dam fools so fierce the froth slobbers
     over your lips. . . always blabbing we're all
     going to hell straight off and you know all about it.

I've read Jesus' words. I know what he said. You don't
     throw any scare into me. I've got your number. I
     know how much you know about Jesus.
He never came near clean people or dirty people but
     they felt cleaner because he came along. It was your
     crowd of bankers and business men and lawyers
     hired the sluggers and murderers who put Jesus out
     of the running.

I say the same bunch backing you nailed the nails into
     the hands of this Jesus of Nazareth. He had lined
     up against him the same crooks and strong-arm men
     now lined up with you paying your way.

This Jesus was good to look at, smelled good, listened
     good. He threw out something fresh and beautiful
     from the skin of his body and the touch of his hands
     wherever he passed along.
You slimy bunkshooter, you put a smut on every human
     blossom in reach of your rotten breath belching
     about hell-fire and hiccupping about this Man who
     lived a clean life in Galilee.

When are you going to quit making the carpenters build
     emergency hospitals for women and girls driven
     crazy with wrecked nerves from your gibberish about
     Jesus--I put it to you again: Where do you get that
     stuff; what do you know about Jesus?

Go ahead and bust all the chairs you want to. Smash
     a whole wagon load of furniture at every performance.
     Turn sixty somersaults and stand on your
     nutty head. If it wasn't for the way you scare the
     women and kids I'd feel sorry for you and pass the hat.
I like to watch a good four-flusher work, but not when
     he starts people puking and calling for the doctors.
I like a man that's got nerve and can pull off a great
     original performance, but you--you're only a bug-
     house peddler of second-hand gospel--you're only
     shoving out a phoney imitation of the goods this
     Jesus wanted free as air and sunlight.

You tell people living in shanties Jesus is going to fix it
     up all right with them by giving them mansions in
     the skies after they're dead and the worms have
     eaten 'em.
You tell $6 a week department store girls all they need
     is Jesus; you take a steel trust wop, dead without
     having lived, gray and shrunken at forty years of
     age, and you tell him to look at Jesus on the cross
     and he'll be all right.
You tell poor people they don't need any more money
     on pay day and even if it's fierce to be out of a job,
     Jesus'll fix that up all right, all right--all they gotta
     do is take Jesus the way you say.
I'm telling you Jesus wouldn't stand for the stuff you're
     handing out. Jesus played it different. The bankers
     and lawyers of Jerusalem got their sluggers and
     murderers to go after Jesus just because Jesus
     wouldn't play their game. He didn't sit in with
     the big thieves.

I don't want a lot of gab from a bunkshooter in my religion.
I won't take my religion from any man who never works
     except with his mouth and never cherishes any memory
     except the face of the woman on the American
     silver dollar.

I ask you to come through and show me where you're
     pouring out the blood of your life.

I've been to this suburb of Jerusalem they call Golgotha,
     where they nailed Him, and I know if the story is
     straight it was real blood ran from His hands and
     the nail-holes, and it was real blood spurted in red
     drops where the spear of the Roman soldier rammed
     in between the ribs of this Jesus of Nazareth.

-- Carl Sandburg

*Please don't attempt to educate me that Sandburg was a socialist. I know he was a socialist. He was a socialist in the days when unions fought against state backed goons trying to shoot them if they dared to strike. More to the point, he's one of the best wordsmiths to ever walk the planet.*
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